You can edit almost every page by Creating an account and confirming your email.

Fighting hate crimes in Turkey

From EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki

Fighting hate crimes in Turkey denotes the legal, administrative, and societal measures undertaken by the state, civil society, and international organizations to prevent, investigate, and punish offenses motivated by prejudice, discrimination, or hostility against specific groups.

Legal definition

Definition of hate speech according to the Council of Europe

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe issued Recommendation No. R(97)20 on October 30, 1997,[1] which provides an international definition of hate speech and outlines principles for intervention. According to this document, hate speech includes all forms of expression that spread, incite, promote, or justify racist hatred, xenophobia, antisemitism, and other hatred based on intolerance. This encompasses speech that conflicts with the democratic values, human rights, and rule of law upheld by the Council of Europe and legitimizes targeting individuals or groups based on race, ethnicity, religion, or similar characteristics. Hate speech is also considered an abuse of the right to freedom of expression and may be restricted under Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights.[2] The Recommendation advises member states to adopt legal, administrative, and educational measures, to establish mechanisms for the protection of victims, and to raise awareness among public officials. It emphasizes the importance of cooperation in addressing hate speech in the press, media, and on the internet. Although not legally binding, the recommendation has been referenced in decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and in international human rights monitoring reports.[3] The balance between regulating hate speech and protecting freedom of expression remains an ongoing issue in national laws and practices.

Definition according to OSCE

According to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), a hate crime refers to a criminal act in which the victim, property, or target is chosen because of an actual or perceived link to a group identified by characteristics such as race, national or ethnic origin, language, colour, religion, sex, age, disability, sexual orientation, or similar grounds.[4] This definition is widely referenced by the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and serves as a key guideline for member states in their efforts to address hate crimes.[5] Two key elements define a hate crime under international law:

  1. The act constitutes an offense under criminal law;
  2. The crime is motivated by bias or prejudice against the victim’s membership in a protected group.[3]

Ministry of Justice’s perspective

According to Julide Tavlı’s study An Overview of Hate Crimes published on the Turkish Ministry of Justice website,[6] hate crimes are generally driven by hostility, intolerance, prejudice, and the intent to send a warning message to the victim’s community. Perpetrators may also act out of motives such as jealousy or resentment toward those perceived as different. The study notes that social, historical, cultural, and economic factors can shape the occurrence of hate crimes. It further distinguishes between hate speech and hate crimes: hate speech includes discriminatory, exclusionary, or hostile expressions, while hate crimes involve punishable acts motivated by, or supported through, such speech. Although Turkey does not have laws specifically defining hate crimes, relevant provisions exist in the Turkish Penal Code (Türk Ceza Kanunu, TPC), including:

  • Article 77: crimes against humanity, covering systematic offenses against a community segment motivated by political, philosophical, racial, or religious grounds.
  • Article 125/3: aggravated penalties for insults based on religious, political, or social grounds.
  • Article 153: aggravated penalties for damaging places of worship or cemeteries with intent to insult religious beliefs.
  • Article 216: criminalization of incitement to hatred or enmity against segments of the public.
  • Article 122: penalties for discriminatory acts affecting access to goods, services, or employment.[7]

Targeted groups and systematic hate policies

Groups targeted by hate crimes in Turkey include individuals marginalized on the basis of religion, belief, disbelief, ethnicity, sexual orientation, or political affiliation. According to 2023 data from the Freedom of Belief Initiative, 47 incidents related to religion, belief, or disbelief were documented. The reported cases involved the following groups: Christians (22), Jews (14), Alevis (7), Muslims (4), Yazidis (2), and atheists (1). [8][9] International human rights reports note the persistence of discrimination against religious and belief communities, highlighting concerns regarding equal citizenship and compliance with European standards.[10][11][12][13] In many cases, perpetrators are not held accountable and victims’ rights are inadequately protected, which contributes to a continuing risk of recurring hate crimes.

Hate crimes targeting freedom of belief

Christian and Jewish communities including Armenians, Assyrians and Greeks

Christian and Jewish communities in Turkey, including Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks, have reported facing discrimination linked to both their religion and ethnicity. Jewish communities have also described an increase in antisemitic incidents during periods of regional tension. Members of Protestant churches in Turkey have raised concerns about negative portrayals in the media and restrictions related to missionary activity. Human rights organizations have noted that since 2019, some foreign Protestants residing in Turkey have experienced difficulties in renewing residence permits or visas.[14]

In a 2014 speech, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan used derogatory expressions perceived as ethnic slurs against minorities, including saying “I was called Georgian, pardon me, worse things, Armenians”.[15]

Statements made regarding minority communities in Turkey, including Armenians, have been widely criticized by these groups as discriminatory. Such remarks have contributed to ongoing debates about social polarization and the security of minorities in the country.

Alevis

Alevis in Turkey have reported ongoing discrimination, exclusion, and challenges to equal participation in public life. Cemevis, the places of worship for Alevis, are not officially recognized by the state, limiting their legal protections and eligibility for public funding. Physical attacks on cemevis and Alevi cemeteries or shrines, alongside threats and hate speech directed at Alevi communities, have been documented in both social and traditional media. In education and public events, Alevis frequently report a lack of recognition and representation, and some cite obstacles in accessing public services or public sector employment where informal pressures to conform to the Sunni majority practice are common.[16]

Yazidis

Yazidis in Turkey, particularly refugees fleeing attacks by ISIS, face exclusion and discrimination. There have been reports of physical damage to or occupation of Yazidi places of worship and cemeteries, as well as threats against Yazidi settlements. Yazidis have been verbally and physically targeted with accusations of “devil worship,” a common slur against the community. Yazidi children frequently face discrimination in schools. Due to their small population size and lack of official recognition as a distinct religious minority, the Yazidis experience a significant degree of invisibility within Turkey.[9]

Hate crimes based on ethnic discrimination

Ethnic groups such as Armenians, Kurds, Roma, and Syrian refugees in Turkey face various forms of racist and discriminatory abuses. Reports from the Human Rights Association (İHD) and other organizations have highlighted widespread hostility toward foreigners and ethnic minorities. Kurds have been subject to violent attacks, including lynch attempts, especially during heightened periods of conflict and refugee influx. Certain Kurdish tribes and families have been systematically targeted. Syrian refugees in Turkey have experienced social exclusion and have been victims of mass attacks involving looting and physical violence documented extensively in 2024. These abuses reflect ongoing challenges in combatting ethnic discrimination within the country.[17][18]

Hate crimes against religious communities and NGOs

Gülen Movement

Following the corruption and bribery investigations of 17–25 December 2013, Turkish government officials began referring to members of the Gülen movement as part of a so‑called “parallel structure.” From 2014 onward, the movement faced increasing political pressure, with then‑Prime Minister (later President) Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), pro‑government media outlets, and senior state officials publicly criticizing it. These measures, officially presented as part of counterterrorism policies, have been described by some observers as motivated by political considerations.[19]

After the coup attempt of 15 July 2016, individuals alleged to be affiliated with the movement faced increased political and social pressure. Government statements and pro-government media frequently employed terms such as “traitor,” “virus,” and “terrorist” to describe the group and its members. Measures targeting them included large-scale dismissals from public service, confiscation of property, and restrictions on access to social support. Reports by various national and international human rights organizations have documented allegations of arbitrary detention, torture, and ill-treatment in detention centers and prisons. According to these sources, rights violations linked to this process have continued in subsequent years, including up to 2025.

Reports from international governments and human rights organizations have documented concerns regarding the treatment of individuals associated with the Gülen Movement, including allegations of rights violations such as arbitrary detention, mistreatment in custody, and restrictions on social and economic participation. Publications from bodies such as the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Stockholm Center for Freedom, and Freedom House have highlighted these issues in their country or thematic reports.[10] According to an article published in the Interior Ministry's Police Magazine, between 2016 and 2023, Turkish authorities reported conducting 135,916 operations and detaining 312,121 individuals in relation to FETO.[20]

He stated: “I swear there will not be a single FETO member left inside this state; we will pursue them to the last breath.”[20]

This clearly demonstrates the state-supported commission of systematic hate crimes.

Furkan Foundation and community

The Furkan Foundation, founded by Alparslan Kuytul, has faced investigations and legal proceedings in Turkey in recent years. Authorities have charged the organization and its leadership with activities alleged to contravene constitutional principles, including accusations related to the management of associations. Kuytul and several members were detained for varying periods, and in some instances, trustees were appointed to oversee the foundation’s operations. Media coverage has reported instances where foundation activities, such as meetings and public demonstrations, were restricted or temporarily suspended by officials. International human rights organizations have raised concerns about the proportionality of these measures, noting implications for freedoms of expression, assembly, and religion in Turkey.[21][22]

Süleymancılar community

The Süleymancılar community has historically faced legal restrictions, closures, detentions, and negative media coverage in Turkey. In recent years, the group has maintained a more pragmatic coexistence with the state. In 2025, several members, including senior figures, were reported in Turkish media to have been detained in police operations on corruption-related allegations. Commentators noted that this development came amid broader public debates and official statements that positioned various religious communities as potential future targets following measures against the Gülen Movement.[23] Former AKP MP Fatih Süleyman Denizolgun has publicly criticized the party leadership, expressing opposition to its practices.

Hate crimes against sexual orientation and identity

LGBT+ individuals in Turkey frequently face risks of physical and verbal violence. Reports by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Human Rights Association (İHD) have documented incidents of harassment, discrimination, and violent attacks against transgender people. For example, the murder of Hande Kader in 2016 received widespread international attention, while rights groups have also reported other killings of transgender women in subsequent years.[24] LGBT+ individuals in Turkey have been subject to stigmatization in media, political, and social contexts, and human rights groups have reported concerns about the lack of effective protection mechanisms. Public statements by senior government officials have drawn attention in both domestic and international human rights discourse. For instance, Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu has referred to LGBT+ people in derogatory terms, content that was flagged as hate speech by Twitter. In 2021, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated that "LGBT do not exist," which was widely covered in Turkish and international media as deepening controversy over societal inclusion. On March 6, 2025, Communications Director Fahrettin Altun characterized campaigns promoting LGBT+ rights as propaganda and suggested that the government would not remain silent in response. These and similar statements have been criticized by civil society actors and international organizations concerned with LGBT+ rights and protections against hate crimes.[25]

The Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Dunja Mijatovic wrote a letter to Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu and Justice Minister Abdülhamit Gül urging them to “stop stigmatizing homosexuals.”[26]

Impact of media and political discourse

Media and political discourse have been described in academic literature as influencing the social climate in which hate crimes may occur. Researchers note that the systematic othering of certain groups—sometimes framed through metaphors such as “enemies” or “viruses”—can contribute to the justification of violence and human rights violations, as well as to societal polarization.

Scholars focusing on Turkey have argued that one of the country’s long-standing human rights challenges involves the discrimination or exclusion of minority groups based on ethnicity, religion, lifestyle, or sexual orientation. According to these analyses, political and media rhetoric can reinforce such exclusion, which may expose affected individuals to violence and leave them with limited legal protection. In international human rights law, systematic discrimination, impunity, and ill-treatment directed at particular groups have in some cases been examined under the framework of crimes against humanity.

In Turkey, media discourse and political rhetoric have been noted as influential in shaping public attitudes toward specific groups. Reports indicate that certain officials and mainstream outlets have described these groups with strongly negative metaphors, such as portraying them as threats to national unity or public well-being. Scholars have argued that such framing has contributed to the normalization of social exclusion and punitive measures. Observers also highlight that media narratives supporting the removal of individuals associated with the Gülen Movement from public service, together with restrictions on their professional activities and property rights, reinforced this process. In this context, academic literature has used the concept of dehumanization to analyze these practices, and some researchers have applied the term civil death to describe the broader loss of social and economic participation experienced by affected individuals. [27]

In a party meeting in 2014, Erdoğan stated, "If this is called a 'witch hunt,' then yes, we are carrying out such a ‘witch hunt’." He subsequently described the failed 2016 coup attempt as "God's gift"; following this, accusations and attacks against the Gülen movement peaked.[28]

The state’s role and inconsistencies in combating hate crimes

Article 122 of the Turkish Penal Code criminalizes discrimination on the grounds of language, race, color, gender, disability, political opinion, belief, religion, or similar reasons. It penalizes acts such as preventing a person from buying or selling goods, accessing services, being employed, or engaging in economic activities due to discriminatory motives, with imprisonment from one to three years. The provision applies to all individuals equally, including public officials.

Reports from international human rights organizations have noted that hate crimes and hate speech in Turkey have affected minorities, including LGBTI+ people, Kurds, non-Muslim communities, refugees, and Roma. Although legislation such as Article 122 exists, monitoring groups have documented concerns about inconsistent enforcement in practice.

Hate speech in Turkey has been reported as widespread in political discourse and media, often directed at marginalized groups. Some observers note that such rhetoric has occasionally been reinforced by political figures. Civil society organizations working to counter hate speech have also faced restrictions, and legal provisions on hate crimes are described by analysts as inconsistently applied.

Official data on hate crimes in Turkey remains inconsistent, with police and prosecutorial records showing significant discrepancies. According to reports by human rights organizations, the government has launched awareness programs on hate crimes for members of law enforcement and the judiciary. However, observers note ongoing challenges, including the absence of a unified hate crime database, narrow legal definitions, and limited engagement with affected communities. Documented cases have included violence, threats, and murders targeting vulnerable groups such as transgender individuals and religious minorities. International bodies, including monitoring mechanisms of the Council of Europe, have urged Turkey to adopt more comprehensive anti-hate crime strategies, strengthen legal frameworks, create specialized law enforcement units, and improve cooperation with marginalized groups. While some enforcement steps have been reported, analysts argue that systemic reforms remain limited and that incidents of hate speech and violence continue to present concerns.[29][10][13]

References

  1. "Council of Europe Committee of Ministers Recommendation No. R (97) 20". Council of Europe Committee of Ministers. 1997-10-30. Archived from the original on 2025-01-09. Retrieved 2025-08-25. Unknown parameter |url-status= ignored (help)
  2. European Court of Human Rights Council of Europe (2021-08-01). "European Convention on Human Rights". Archived from the original on 2025-07-25. Retrieved 2025-08-20.
  3. 3.0 3.1 OSCE. "Understanding Hate Crimes" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2023-08-27. Retrieved 2025-08-20.
  4. OSCE. "What is hate crime". Archived from the original on 2025-08-27. Retrieved 2025-08-27.
  5. Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (2016-06-04). "ODIHR's Efforts to Counter Hate Crime". Archived from the original on 2025-06-14. Retrieved 2025-08-20.
  6. Julide Tavlı (2014-01-01). "An Overview of Hate Crimes" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2025-04-19. Retrieved 2025-08-20.
  7. "T.C. Cumhurbaşkanlığı Mevzuat Bilgi Sistemi". Retrieved 29 August 2025.
  8. "New publication: Summary findings of the "Hate Crimes Motivated by Bias against Religion, Belief, or Non-Belief in Türkiye 2023 Report"". 2024-09-05. Archived from the original on 2024-12-04. Retrieved 2025-08-21.
  9. 9.0 9.1 Dr. Tuğba Tanyeri-Erdemir (2023-11-01). "Examination of Threats to Religious Sites in Turkey" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2023-08-27. Retrieved 2025-08-27.
  10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 "DFAT Country Information Report Türkiye" (PDF). Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Australia). 2025-05-16. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2025-01-18. Retrieved 2025-08-25. Unknown parameter |url-status= ignored (help)
  11. U.S. Department of State (2023). "Turkey (Türkiye) - 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 2025-08-27.
  12. Freedomhouse.com (2025-01-01). "Turkey". Freedom House. Archived from the original on 2025-07-19. Retrieved 2025-08-27.
  13. 13.0 13.1 De Rijksoverheid (2025-02-01). "Algemeen Ambtsbericht Turkije (februari 2025)". Archived from the original on 2025-02-25. Retrieved 2025-08-21.
  14. "Constitutional Court says deportation of Protestants based on intelligence report is "not a violation with freedom of religion"". Bianet. 2024-06-06. Archived from the original on 2025-04-18. Retrieved 2025-08-25. Unknown parameter |url-status= ignored (help)
  15. Hilmi Hacaloğlu (2014-08-06). "Erdoğan'dan Tartışma Yaratan Sözler". Archived from the original on 2025-03-28. Retrieved 2025-08-24.
  16. IRB-immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (2021-12-03). "Turkey: Situation of Alevis, including political and religious rights; treatment of Alevis by society and authorities; state protection". Archived from the original on 2022-05-23. Retrieved 2025-08-24.
  17. Minorityrights.org (2018-06-01). "Turkey". Archived from the original on 2025-07-15. Retrieved 2025-08-24.
  18. İHD (2020-09-25). "İHD Special Report on Hate Speech and Hate Crimes in Turkey". Archived from the original on 2023-10-20. Retrieved 2025-08-21.
  19. BBC News (2015-11-02). "Turkey detains supporters of Erdogan rival Gulen in raids". Archived from the original on 2025-08-01. Retrieved 2025-08-27.
  20. 20.0 20.1 "15 Temmuz'dan Günümüze 135 Bin 916 FETÖ Operasyonu". Polis Dergisi. 2024-12-31. Retrieved 2025-08-20.
  21. SCF (2022-08-09). "Lawyer for arrested Furkan Foundation leader says client under psychological pressure in prison". Archived from the original on 2025-03-15. Retrieved 2025-08-22.
  22. DW.com (2021-05-04). "Furkan Vakfı'na operasyon". Deutsche Welle. Retrieved 2025-08-22.
  23. Cumhuriyet.com (2025-05-16). "Erdoğan'ın 'ahtapot' çıkışının ardından Süleymancılara operasyon: Bürokrat dahil dört kişi gözaltında". Archived from the original on 2025-07-24. Retrieved 2025-08-22.
  24. BBC.com (2016-08-21). "Hande Kader: Outcry in Turkey over transgender woman's murder". Archived from the original on 2025-04-23. Retrieved 2025-08-22.
  25. BBC News Türkçe (1997-10-30). "Behind the government's anti-LGBT rhetoric". Archived from the original on 2024-04-01. Retrieved 2025-08-27.
  26. BBC News Türkçe (2021-06-24). "Council of Europe urges Soylu and Gül to stop stigmatizing LGBTIs". Archived from the original on 2021-08-15. Retrieved 2025-08-24.
  27. Turkish Minute (2024-09-30). "SCF report exposes systematic use of hate speech following Gülen's death to dehumanize his movement". Archived from the original on 2025-02-18. Retrieved 2025-08-22.
  28. Vedat Demir (2025-01-01). "Erdoğan's Populist Rhetoric and Hate Speech: Anti-Opposition Discourse and the Polarization of Turkish Politics" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2025-05-22. Retrieved 2025-08-22.
  29. Funda Tekin (2024-08-01). "Hate Crimes Motivated By Bias Against Religion, Belief, or Non-Belief in Türkiye 2023 Report" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2025-04-22. Retrieved 2025-08-22.


This article "Fighting hate crimes in Turkey" is from Wikipedia. The list of its authors can be seen in its historical and/or the page Edithistory:Fighting hate crimes in Turkey. Articles copied from Draft Namespace on Wikipedia could be seen on the Draft Namespace of Wikipedia and not main one.