Gangs in East Timor
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In the Southeast Asian island state of East Timor, a diverse and widespread gang system has developed in recent decades, with unemployed youth, disappointed farmers, former freedom fighters and members of the former pro-Indonesian militias joining to form sometimes aggressive associations. Active and former members of the police (PNTL) and the armed forces (F-FDTL) can also be found here. Some of these groups call themselves martial arts clubs, others have quasi-religious features. In July 2013, the three largest martial arts groups were banned, followed by two more groups in March 2014.
Background[edit]
Historical Background[edit]
East Timor has had a violent past. Originally, the island of Timor was fragmented into a multitude of small and micro kingdoms ruled by Liurais (petty kings). Despite a complex alliance system, conflict between the kingdoms was an integral part of the culture, even if the fighting was highly ritualised.[1] Between the 16th and 19th centuries, the colonial powers Portugal and the Netherlands extended their sphere of power over the entire island. Rebellions (especially in the 19th century) were violently put down by the colonial powers. During the Second World War, the island was occupied by the Japanese. A guerrilla war broke out between the Allies and the Japanese, the so-called Battle of Timor, in which Timorese on both sides fought each other. After the proclamation of independence by the leftist Fretilin on 28 November 1974, Indonesia began to occupy the country only a few days later. The resulting guerrilla war and other consequences of the occupation killed 183,000 people. In 1999, the international community moved Indonesia to hold a referendum in which the inhabitants of East Timor could choose between internal autonomy and complete independence from Indonesia. The clear majority voted for independence on 30 August, despite intimidation attempts by pro-Indonesian militias, the so-called Wanra. After the referendum, Operation Thunder by the Indonesian army and the Wanra led to a final wave of violence that claimed another 3000 lives. The United Nations then sent an international intervention force (INTERFET) to restore peace and order. East Timor came under UN administration and finally gained independence in 2002. In 2006, violent unrest broke out and an international stabilisation force (ISF) and a UN police mission (UNMIT) were again deployed. 155,000 people were displaced, 6,000 houses were destroyed, and 37 people died. One element of the unrest was the different gangs. Street fights broke out between them.
In November 2006, fighting broke out between the groups Colimau 2000 and Persaudaraan Setia Hati Terate (PSHT). From Ermera municipality, they spread to Dili. Seven people died. The background is unclear, but is said to lie in a centuries-old conflict between some villages. It may also have been about controlling smuggling across the border into Indonesia, especially near the town of Maliana. A broader alliance of several groups quickly formed against the PSHT, including Korka (KORK) and 7–7.The reason given was that the PSHT is financed from Indonesia, but it is more likely that the PSHT had tried too aggressively to gain control over various areas and illegal activities there in the period before. The fighting between PSHT and 7–7 continued throughout 2007. The centres were the eastern Municipalities of Baucau and Viqueque. Part of the conflict here was also land disputes between locals and residents who were forcibly resettled here by the Indonesians during the occupation. It was only after the assassination attempt in Dili on 11 February 2008, in which Prime Minister Ramos-Horta was seriously injured and rebel leader Alfredo Reinado was killed, that the PSHT and 7–7 concluded an official peace agreement in August 2008.[2]
On 15 August 2011, clashes broke out between the PSHT and Korka martial arts groups from Tashilin and Galitaz (Cova Lima municipality), during which several houses were burnt down. A policeman was stabbed in the process.[3] At the end of August 2011, four people died in Baricafa (Lautém Municipality) in a clash between two martial arts groups. As a result, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão ordered the closure of the martial arts clubs.[4] After months of clashes between the two groups in Moris Foun (Dili), a new peace agreement was reached between PSHT and 7–7 on 1 December 2011.[5]
After 24 years of war, the inhabitants of East Timor still have problems finding their way in peace and resolving conflicts in a peaceful way. In addition, traditional Timorese society was also marked by constant fighting between the many small kingdoms, and there were also repeated uprisings against the Portuguese colonial rulers.[6] Some gangs trace their roots back to the Portuguese colonial period, others to the Indonesian occupation, but many seem to have emerged afterwards. The influence of the country's history is reflected in different ways in the various groups. Some refer to the old traditions of Timor, others are a rallying point for the veterans of the resistance against the Indonesians and glorify the fallen heroes of the people. Other groups also include former members of the Wanras who first have to find their own role in the new state.[7]
Social background[edit]
Dili is a melting pot of East Timor's different ethnic groups. From all over the country, mainly young men come to Dili in search of work. Therefore, the proportion of men is significantly higher than the proportion of women. In the entire Dili district, the population increased by 12.58% between 2001 and 2004. Almost 80,000 of the inhabitants were born outside Dili. Only 54% of the inhabitants were born here. 7% were born in Baucau, 5% each in Viqueque and Bobonaro, 4% in Ermera, the rest in the other districts or abroad.[8]
Due to the evictions of recent years, unresolved claims to land, houses and properties are the source of constant disputes. Cultural diversity adds to the problem when couples are formed in which the man comes from a culture that passes on the inheritance patrilineally and the woman from a matrilineal culture. The dispute over inheritance is then pre-programmed. Social envy is also a widespread evil, known in Indonesia as kecemburuan. Property of those who are economically successful is destroyed in order to "cut them back" to an equal level with the others. In addition, there is a lot of civil violence, such as acts of revenge, fights over women and also violence within families. Gender-based violence in particular is a widespread problem that national and international organisations are working hard to combat with a campaign against violence against women.[7]
The reasons for joining one of the gangs vary. Especially the ordinary gang members join due to the high unemployment rate (60% of male teenagers and 50% of 20-24 year olds). for economic reasons and the hoped-for social prestige and contacts. Gang leaders sometimes gain a reputation similar to that of village chiefs. In addition, the gangs offer a certain security from violence by other gangs and political reasons can also play a role. Especially for young men, belonging to a group with its own identity is attractive - a major problem for the country, as the share of the population with an age below 15 years is 41.6%.[9] Timorese society has yet to find its way between tradition and modernity. Something similar is known from gangs in Papua New Guinea. In addition, large parts of the population have been displaced three times since the end of the 1970s, most recently a tenth of the population in 2006, which destroyed established community structures and also resulted in unresolved land ownership claims for many. A violent atmosphere often prevailed in the refugee camps. The various existing parties did not succeed in integrating these refugees. Instead, their own groups formed here.[7]
The members of the gangs are mostly young men, but there are women even in the leading positions. Most of the time, however, they tend to be hangers-on or serve as welcome spectators who cheer the men on during the fights. Some groups even have offshoots abroad, such as in West Timor, Indonesia, or overseas. For example, in October 2007, there was a clash between Timorese students in Yogyakarta who belonged to the opposing groups Kera Sakti (KS) and PSHT.[7]
Different groups were and are in conflict with each other, but also with the different political forces in the country. Besides political, economic and territorial reasons, a front can also be identified along the regional division into residents of the East (Loro Sae) and West (Loro Munu) parts of East Timor, even if many gangs deny this because they often see themselves as national, not regional organisations. Ultimately, however, it is now difficult to assess what is a fundamental cause and what is merely a trigger for the current rivalry between the groups. Thus, personal antipathies also play a role or one is at enmity with the other group simply because they are the "others". The conflicts between the gangs escalate again and again in street fights, mainly in the west of the state capital Dili. The city is a melting pot where inhabitants from different parts of the country live in close proximity to each other. After the peak of violence in 2006, the situation has calmed down, but remains tense. As late as 2007, there were regular stone-throwing incidents and clashes, resulting in repeated injuries and deaths. Since 2008, there has been a fragile peace agreement between two of the largest groups, which came about with the help of the new government coalition AMP.[7] But also in all other parts of the country there have been and still are cases of gang violence. In August 2004, for example, 50 houses were burnt down in Ainaro.[10]
Structure[edit]
Even though some groups are tightly organised, the groupings are often held together by family ties, relationships and protection. At the centre is usually just one person who secures the loyalty of his or her followers through small benefits. Again and again, movements operating nationwide consist of networks of local groups.[2]
Information on membership numbers is very uncertain and fluctuates. A 2006 study puts the total number for the 15 to 20 large martial arts groups alone at 20,000, with an estimated further 90,000 unregistered members. This would mean that 70 % of young Timorese men practise martial arts.[10][7]
Conflicts between the groups are not only carried out with physical violence, but also with weapons. Industrially manufactured pistols and rifles are frowned upon due to an unwritten law of the gangs, so deadly violence does not escalate as much as in neighbouring Papua New Guinea. However, it is safe to assume that those groups that work as security or have police officers as members have access to real firearms. It is simple, homemade weapons, such as simple firearms (rakitans) that shoot nails, small metal arrows (rama ambons) and also real bullets, that are becoming more common. There are also stone and arrow slingshots, bows and arrows, knives, traditional swords (suriks) or simply stones. The arrows are prepared with poison or battery acid. They are usually shot at a relatively long distance in a high arc and can therefore be found all over Dili in tree tops or telephone poles. Simple explosive devices, such as Molotov cocktails, are still rare. In connection with gangs, there were at least 100 fatalities in 2007.[2]
Protection rackets are a major source of income for most groups and have become a threat to business and investment. This affects small stalls as well as large construction companies and supermarkets. Some shops and companies have unofficially signed contracts for "levies" or "donations" with groups to get protection from attacks and extortion, which is now widely accepted. In some cases, professional security services have emerged from the groupings. Mostly, however, these are payments extorted by small, local groups. However, these small groups may well cooperate with larger organisations, such as crime organisations from Indonesia or the People's Republic of China. During the 2006 unrest, some groups offered themselves as mediators in the conflict for a fee, after they themselves had caused the problems. Some groups work for corrupt politicians, landowners or crime organisations as "mobs for hire". In 2006 in particular, there were credible reports of gang members being paid for provocations or attacks. Illegal gambling is done more by organised crime, but gangs also offer themselves as security services here, as well as at nightclubs and brothels. The increase in human and drug trafficking provides further opportunities for financing. This is triggered by the presence of international organisations and the military. Dili is divided into zones that the individual groups consider their turf for their "economic activities". Four gangs from the western part of the country control the centre of the capital.[2]
Distinction between the different groupings[edit]
Even though the groups can best be described with the collective term gangs, they are extremely different in their background. And even the term youth gang, which is widely used, must be understood in the Timorese sense. The members can be over 30 years old, the leaders over 35.[7]
It is difficult and also controversial to classify the groupings into different categories. Not only are there fluid transitions in the forms of appearance, many are members of several groups. Again and again, groups change their appearance, practically reinvent themselves. Thus, former independence fighters suddenly become protest movements, political parties or criminal organisations. There is still a lack of in-depth research.[2]
Martial Arts Groups (MAG)[edit]
Central to these groups are martial arts, such as karate, pencak silat, wushu, aikido, judo, or taekwondo. While some groups limit themselves to practising their sport ("white-suited MAGs"), some groups also engage in other activities, such as street fighting or extortion. The largest MAGs are the Persaudaraan Setia Hati Terate (PSHT, Brotherhood of the Sacred Heart of the Lotus Flower) Martial Arts Club, Kera Sakti (KS) and the Kung Fu Masters. In addition, there are a large number of small groups, some of which do not even have a name or fixed membership structures. Fights between the individual groups for territory and influence are frequent. Many groups emerged during the years of Indonesian occupation of East Timor, during which the current members learned martial arts from Indonesian teachers, often army personnel. However, this does not always mean that MAGs emerged from the pro-Indonesian militias of the time. Often the connections were of a non-political and personal nature and have survived to this day, which can be seen clearly in the case of the PSHT in particular.
Especially among MAGs, kinship relations are often the bond that holds the group together. Within an aldeia (comparable to a village or a neighbourhood), a widespread family usually dominates and it is not unusual that this aldeia also corresponds to the territory of an MAG. Thus, conflicts between MAGs are mostly actually conflicts between families or villages that mobilise their youth as fighters. Thus, the dispute over the ownership of a field from the rural regions of the country can also spill over to relatives in Dili and escalate here. The parallels to the traditional small liurais of Timor, which built their power on family ties and blood alliances, are striking here. The MAGs take on the function of a family fighting force or vigilante group. Alliances against common enemies are not uncommon. In Dili in 2007, for example, several family MAGs joined forces to oust the PSHT from their neighbourhood of Bairo Pite.[2]
The PSHT, also known as Nehek Metan (Black Ants), is the largest MAG and one of the most controversial groups, with what it claims are 6,000 members and 10,000 students committed to four years of training. It has its origins in Indonesia, but considers itself independent of the Indonesian group. The PSHT has been involved in fights with Korka, Kung Fu Master, Kera Sakti and Colimau 2000. The chief was Jaime Xavier Lopes in 2007.[11] From 2012 to 2017, he was State Secretary for Lands and Real Estate. A peace agreement was signed with the 7–7 on 27 August 2008.[2]
The Kung Fu Masters state their size as 7700 members. 30% are said to be women, while in other MAGs women make up less than 5%. Their leader was killed in a shootout between police and army in Tibar in July 2006. The KS has 6700 members.[10]
Ritual Arts Groups (RAG)[edit]
The RAGs, in contrast to the MAGs, emphasise the Timorese origin of their rituals, even if many of these seem to be self-invented rather than really having an ancient tradition. They often refer to themselves as Kakalok (magical/mystical group) or Isin Kanek (wound). RAGs seem to be especially attractive to former fighters of the FALINTIL and other resistance groups who were left without prospects after disarmament, which is why the members are usually older than in other groups (between 20 and 50 years old). They often emerged from secret societies that fought against the Indonesian occupation. Some, like the 12–12, claim that they already existed in Portuguese times. Overall, the RAGs are much more politically oriented than the MAGs. For example, they demand "real independence", similar to the Indonesian Pemuda (Youth) movement, which demanded "100% merdeka" (independence) between 1945 and 1948.
Many of these RAGs have come together in a loose association called Rai Nain. This association is in conflict with many MAGs, especially the PSHT. But there are also frequent fights among the RAGs.
The Korka (Kmanek Oan Rai Klaran, also KORK) is probably the largest RAG with up to 10,000 members. It has developed its own language and alphabet by mixing "traditional" Timorese with "universal" influences from other languages. Members are gradually taught the language as they rise in rank. Other RAGs are the 5–5 and the 9–9. The chairperson is José dos Santos Naimori Bucar.[12]
The members of 7–7 (Sete-Sete, Seven-Seven, Seven) believe they have magical powers that make them invulnerable. They are also active as MAG. The group probably has close ties to the Sagrada Família. A peace treaty was signed with the PSHT on 27 August 2008.
The several hundred members of Colimau 2000 are mainly farmers, former pro-Indonesian militiamen and FALINTIL guerrilla fighters, mostly illiterate. It has been involved in fighting with the PSHT and has also appeared in international news coverage several times through various incidents. Colimau 2000 has religious leanings and close ties with the National Unity Party (PUN) and Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste Party (PDRT).
Gangs and youth groups[edit]
"Gangs" are the names given to many different groups in East Timor consisting of young people who live in the neighbourhood. Even though the names of the groups, which are taken from Indonesian rock bands or Western films, often sound violent, this does not have to be the case. For example, one member of the gang OBOR (which means "provoke me and I will smash you") is a member of the international Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC). Several groups are socially involved in their neighbourhood, for example by collecting rubbish on the street or helping the needy. Some gangs simply consist of young people who hang out together, drink alcohol and play guitar and call themselves a "gang" only for prestige reasons, others are clearly to be described as a criminal gang. The boundaries between legal and illegal are blurred, especially when the gangs offer private "security services". This can quickly degenerate from neighbourly vigilantes into protection rackets. The number of members can run into the hundreds.
In Dili, where Timorese from all over the country live, gangs have formed along the regional divide between East and West. Westerners (Kaladi) are for example the members of the Sintu Kulao and the Gaya Anak, while the members of for example Commando, Lito Rambo, and Lafaek are Easterners (Firaku). Those groups that are more peacefully organised usually have members from both parts of the country. Many female members are also found here. These also include youth groups led by the Catholic Church.
Veterans Organizations[edit]
Especially after the end of the Indonesian occupation, many freedom fighters felt left alone with their problems. The return to civilian life was made even more difficult by the general lack of jobs, so veterans' organisations were very popular. These groups include the Sagrada Família (Holy Family), the Conselho Popular pela Defesa da República Democrática de Timor-Leste CPD-RDTL (Popular Council for the Defence of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste) and the Forças FALINTIL SF75. The veterans' organisations are said to have close contacts with various MAGs and RAGs and to have been involved in various incidents between 2002 and 2006, such as the riots of December 2002. In spring 2010, the CPD-RDTL was accused that members of them and the group Bua Malus (Betelnut) had terrorised the population in parts of the municipalities of Cova Lima and Bobonaro, disguised as ninjas. Initially the government treats the action as a rumor,[13][14] but then escalated to a massive nationwide police operation to find the "ninjas".[15][16] As a result, 118 were captured and 7 imprisoned from "ninja activities".[17]
The predecessor of the CPD-RDTL split from the rest of the resistance movement in the 1980s. Today, the CPD-RDTL is one of the best organised gangs with about 6,600 members. Its strongholds are in Dili and Baucau. The CPD-RDTL insists that East Timor has been in continuous existence not just since 2002, but since the first declaration of independence in 1975. This makes the temporary UN administration and the current constitution and government illegitimate in its eyes. The party rejects Portuguese as an official language. The CPD-RDTL boycotted the elections to the Constituent Assembly. It also sees itself as the only true successor to the FRETILIN of the founding period.
The Sagrada Família has quasi-religious features, which makes it difficult to distinguish it from the RAGs. Its leader is Cornelio Gama, a former guerrilla also known as L7 (L-Sete). The group has its base in Laga in the Baucau district and in parts of Lautém. L7 gives its number of followers as 5000. According to rumours, he is also one of the leaders of the 7–7.
SF75 originates from Aileu and is in conflict with the Sagrada Família.
References[edit]
- ↑ Schlicher, Monika (1996). Portugal in Ost-Timor : eine kritische Untersuchung zur portugiesischen Kolonialgeschichte in Ost-Timor, 1850 bis 1912. Hamburg: Abera. ISBN 3-931567-08-7. OCLC 41122626. Search this book on
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment: Issue brief April 2009: Groups, gangs, and armed violence in Timor-Leste (PDF-File; 341 kB)
- ↑ "Houses razed in East Timor mob rampage". Herald Sun. 17 August 2011. Archived from the original on 30 December 2012. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Diario Nacional, 23 August 2011, Gusmão calls for closing down GAM in Lautém
- ↑ Radio Timor-Leste, Martial arts clubs make peace through dialog, 1 December 2011
- ↑ "History of Timor" (PDF). Internet Archive. Technical University of Lisbon. 2003. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-03-24. Retrieved 2023-02-19. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 Myrttinen, Henri (2007). "Timor Leste – A Kaleidoscope of Conflicts". watchindonesia.org. Archived from the original on 1 April 2008. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Estatística., Timor-Leste. Direcção Nacional de (2006). Timor-Leste census of population and housing 2004 : atlas. National Statistics Directorate. OCLC 432288484. Search this book on
- ↑ Der Fischer-Weltalmanach 2009 (Orig.-Ausg ed.). Frankfurt, M. 2008. ISBN 978-3-596-72009-5. OCLC 723942611. Search this book on
- ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 ETAN, 15. September 2006, A Survey of Gangs and Youth Groups in Dili, Timor-Leste 2006 (PDF-Datei; 2,92 MB)
- ↑ Kingston, Jeff (25 February 2007). "Law and disorder | The Japan Times". web.archive.org. Archived from the original on 22 February 2015. Retrieved 2023-02-27. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ "Membru KORK 98 hetan Graduasaun" (in Bahasa Indonesia). Retrieved 2023-02-27.
- ↑ "Guterres: Ninja gangs in Watucarbau is a rumor only". Timor Post. 24 February 2010. Archived from the original on 25 March 2010. Retrieved 2023-02-28. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ "No evidence to arrest dissident in Timor-Leste". Retrieved 2023-02-28.
- ↑ Viegas, Rogerio Vicente (15 February 2010). "HAK Association's Report on the Human Rights Situation in Covalima and Bobonaro Districts of Timor‐Leste"" (PDF). HAK Association (Email CC to Mr. Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao).
- ↑ Haluha, Keta (2010-03-15). "Timor Police Ninja Operation". Global Voices. Retrieved 2023-02-28.
- ↑ Nacional, Diario (22 February 2010). "118 Arrests and 7 detentions in recent anti-crime surge in Timor-Leste". Timor News Line. Archived from the original on 24 February 2010. Retrieved 2023-02-28.
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