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History of the Lango People of South Sudan

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In May 2018, a-five-year personal research on the Lango people in South Sudan was compiled narrating the origins, courses, settlements and history of the group. Before the British rule, Lango had a form of age-set system of government based upon youths, middle-aged and the cluster of elders besides minor clan chiefs, rather than a king/queen or superior Chiefs. This research provided a detailed record of village life and its weapons and implements including manufactured goods, livestock, agriculture, food, wars, important personalities, hunting festivals musical instruments, dances, clans and games. On social organization there was a chapter that looked at birth traditions, the names given to neonates basing upon the order of birth, marriage, clans, totem and burial ceremonies, political organization and inheritance. The research also discussed Lango religion, magic, and witchcraft, origin of calendar time reading, literacy and many other aspects of the Lango people. Introduction. Lango is a nickname derived from the word 'lalangitak' which means advancers or people who are always forward in any viable situation (Tucker, 1940). Lango people believe in inheritance that says, "When I die, take care of my little ones." As they aspire to walk in the footprints of this cultural oath, Lango are often called by their nicknames other than the ones given to them from Adam. Lango are “superior, sensible, highly moral, brave and venturesome warriors whose history is hidden in the minds of the elders' (Driberg, 1923). The revelation of their history by the famous anthropologists whose work has credibly supported the oral history of these brave people acted as an ancestral GPS. The following paragraphs tell of how their ancestors left their cradle land Abyssinia and moved first to Kenya, South Sudan and some parts of Eastern Africa.

Origin With footprints of evidence, the origin and prehistory of these brave and venturesome warriors points to the North Eastern Africa depicting the ancients Abyssinians. . However, a misconception caused by people who were harsh to Lango has led to a misclassification of the group as seen in some older and subsequent colonial era documents. Yet, many sources believe that the Lango people stemmed from South Western Abyssinia in a place called Keffa around 1600 AD. And that their exodus to the current homeland(s) was attributed to an invasive pressure caused by the Oromo people of Ethiopia who encroached into their territories. This pressure characterised by series of hit-and-run attacks especially at Galla river led to the loss of Lango people, their property and a staple food called nalle (milk) with its product napuofe (butter). As result Lango moved southward following the rift valley and settled at the Ethiopia-Kenyan border at a place called 'Kalokol' which became their first splitting centre. Kalokol is a combination of two Lango words 'ka' means 'the home of' and 'Lokol' referred to a name of one of the chiefs who led the group from Ethiopia. He was said to have come ahead of the other chiefs and settled in the Western shores of lake Turkana. At Kalokol, the group first split mainly into agriculturalists and herders and later subdivided into Ateker, Kalenjin and Masaai clusters. Lango tradition tells of how some of its members rushed for a leftover food that was dried on a platform (nolobalabala) at the Chief's home upon their arrival from Keffa region but were stopped and told to wait for a hot one instead. The cessation of these starving individuals brought the name 'Kenya na irobi' which literally means 'don't eat the cold one.' Later the group of Lokol decided to shift to a mountain it named 'Itiringaha' meaning continue and later abundant the place due to its low temperatures unfavourable for both human and animal camping. The group instead advanced and settled West of Lake Turkana where it's members were forced to eat things they never ate before. A plant known as 'edung tree' is still remembered today in Lango history for causing a tragic death to its members who were said to be mostly women, children and the elderly. According to them the members died both at home and in the wilderness on the verge of discovering edible fruits, leaves and roots of those plants. Thus, they named the place 'Lodwar' which means 'something bitter' to remember their dead members.

The second split of Lango tribe After the bitter life at Lodwar, the Ateker group moved further to the west to find a favorable place for both human and animal settlement. Oral tradition tells of how the cluster of elders headed by chiefs agreed to send young and able hunters and herders to survey places where they could make their way through to avoid wandering about in the forests. And how the idea created a serious debate among the members. This debate is said to have brought bitter words among the clans and they eventually giving rise to the name 'Iteso' which literally means 'you beware.' Iteso, Dodoth, Jie, Karimojong, and Kumam of Kenya and Uganda are examples of Ateker group that separated from a single group called Lango.

The tribe in Western Kenya and Northeastern Uganda called Iteso or Ateso is was one of these clans including Masaai, and the Kalenjin who are still being regarded as “Jo Lango” or the Lango members. Meanwhile the majority that coursed westward following the advice of the chiefs and elders discovered a swamp like-place that was full of maggots and they named it 'Na'ikuru' which means something rotten or full of maggots.

Due to this condition, Lango left Nakuru and followed the direction of other groups to the present day Lotukei where they spent most of their times with their neighbors, Didinga and other groups before the final departure. At Lotukei hills, Lango and Didinga traded and intermarried among themselves. As a result they shared family orderly names of Lokang & Nakang for the first male and female babies, Loboi & Naboi for second born children while Lodai & Nadai for third children and so on. They also shared inter alia, names like 'Lomana' for children born in gardens.

Third split of Lango group Afterward issues of animal theft by some individuals and other harsh surrounding communities made Lango to leave Lotukei and got split into three groups of farmers and herders. A group that was hesitating to move was nicknamed Lotuho which means people who pay deaf ears. That is one of the reasons the name Lotuho is only reported in South Sudan because the members got this name from Lotukei Hills. Meanwhile, part of the pastoral section that went southward entered Uganda from the north and it later changed its name to Karamojong from its phrase, ꞌekar ngimojongꞌ which literally means ꞌthe old ones (men) cannot walk furtherꞌ. The Karamojong group later split at a place called Losoliaꞌ to form the Toposa and the Jie clusters of South Sudan.

The other section that consisted of both agriculturalists and herders maintained the group named Lango. This group settled in the present district of Lira and other parts of northern Uganda. The group that moved westward from Lotukei came across a solidifying rock at the present day Lobira where it temporarily assembled and later divided into clans diverging to different directions. The group that moved southward assembled on the foot of Hayere Hills North east of Ikwoto town. The group that move southwest settled around Itohom hills on the foot of Imatong mountains. One group that remained at Lobira later shifted to the southeast and settled along Lomohidang hills. The other group went further south and settled at Arata and later shifted at Madial.

HOW DID THE NAMES OF THE LANGO COMMUNITIES COME ABOUT? Lango as one of the main ethnic groups of South Sudan is subdivided into six dialect speaking communities. They include Dongotono, Logir, Lango, Imotong, Lorwama and Ketebbo. Each of these communities has a dialect of its own spoken by its people. Despite of this division, these communities understand the dialect of each other, especially 'Nololangoi' or 'Nololangotie' (Lango language) for the central Lango which is widely spoken in the three sub-regions of Ikwoto, Geria and Kiddepo Valley counties. The rest of the dialects such as Lodongotonoi, Olomuatangai, ogitanai, Lorwamaje or Okolie are spoken mostly by their members.

Unlike other communities, Lorwama and Ketebbo jointly speak one dialect called Okolie. The two are always disagreeing with each other on bases of bitter adoption. According to Ketebbo, Okolie is their ancestral language, but Lorwama continuously rule out the claim saying that Okolie dialect was originally spoken by their ancestors whom they said welcomed the early settlers of Ketebbo in their land and the latter allegedly lost their dialect which was believed to be of a Karamojong cluster. The Lorwama members clarify that loss of this dialect has seemingly forced the people of Ketebbo to use Okolie instead of their mother tongue. Currently, Ketebbo is fully integrated in Lorwama community through this ancestral tongue.

Most, if not all of the names that exist today among Lango communities came unexpectedly. These names were coined according to either an event or a mockery. Dongotono dialect for instance, is a phrase connected to starvation which means, "He ate until s/he held his/her chin." Names such as Okire or Ochire, Peri and Logire were given by other Lango communities to the those in the centre. But Donge was given by distant neighbors, Lotuho. These names are termed as 'abusive' by the community mostly in the centre.

The word Lorwama means eating hardly mingled porridge and meat at ago. It is said to have started at the present day Tseretenya border about a story of a treaty signed between Lorwama people and Ketebbo. According to their mythology, the word is coined from a phrase, ‘Ee luak, odua ruama?’ Which literally means, 'Fellow men, is it forbidden to eat food alongside meat?' Imotong refers to a name of a clan adopted from one of its members who is said to have told his wife to prepare as much food as possible to be eaten by all, including the visitors and possibly be leftover in case everyone was full. Ima means prepare and otong, means 'excess'. Putting the two words together, the phrase would literally mean, ‘prepare in excess’. This name which is used to refer to the people and the highest mountain in South Sudan is a corruption from the aforesaid phrase. Logir is connected to the taste of a staple food of the area which was believed to be coconut plumage. Ketebbo has no clear data, but some of its members do stipulate its meaning to a whip. "Kette" means stick or being lashed with the stick which was perhaps used for lashing someone or a group in the treaty between them and Lorwama.

Lango territories and its population Most sources such as South Sudan Rehabilitation Commission (SSRC) in mid-2010, estimated the Overall population of Lango people to be approximately 88, 536 in more than 12,000 households it surveyed in that year excluding other towns of South Sudan and Diaspora.

Lango country is a vast territory of land ranging from Imotong Mountains in the west, Lonyili Hills in the south, Kiddepo Valley in the East, Dongotono ranges in the North-east and Lofi hills in the Northwest.

Location in South Sudan Coordinates: 4◦4’42N 33◦6’32’’E /

                       4.07833◦N  33.10889◦E

Pre-classification of the Lango people According to a historical classification, Lango were part and partial of a larger Sub-Sahara African group of Nilo-Hamites. Nilo is a corruption of the word Nile and Hamites refers to the descendants of Ham who according to the bible was one of the sons of Noah, believed to have migrated to Africa during the ancient time. Lango are also referred to as the Para-Nilotics or plain Nilotes. Sometimes, this group of people is called Highland Nilotes, because most of their traditional homes are strategically located on mountainous areas where agriculture and cattle keeping are practiced.


Political organization Before the introduction of the British rule in South Sudan, the people of Lango had an age set system of government known as “Nolohoruange”. It consisted of 3 subclasses of youths, middle aged and the elders. This system of government was ruled by the council of elders known as ‘Tome’ (Elephant) and headed by the Chief. The dominant feature of Lango society is their age system, which is strictly based upon generation. As successive generations have an increasing overlap in age, this leads logically to a breakdown of the system, which appears to have occurred after rules were relaxed in the nineteenth century among their close neighbours, the Lotuho. However, the Lango system is flexible enough to contain a build-up of tension between generations over a cycle of 50 years or so. When this can no longer be resolved peacefully, the breakdown in order leads to a switch in power from the ruling generation to their successors and a new status quo. The last changeover was in 2001. As both a rite of passage into manhood, as well as a requirement for engagement, a young Lango man is required to bear handedly kill a goat. If he is successful in killing it without any sound of a goat, he is now considered to be a man and is permitted to sit in the clubhouse (nahadufa). This ensures that the man will be strong enough to care for and protect his wife and children. After a successful sacrifice, the celebrations are allowed to commence. In an instance where the young man is unable to kill the goat in the sacrificial dedication, he will not be considered by his people to be a man and will often leave to join a different people-group where he would undergo training for goat killing. Tome (class of elders) It was the main legislative body responsible for settling complex feuds among the community including elections of new members in the leadership positions. When a leader was killed in a battle, he was praised more than the one who died a natural death. Those who died of illness or got killed by their wives were said to have died as women. But he who would die in a battle was considered a man instead. So, the candidates were identified by their actions especially for the wellbeing of the entire community of the Lango people. Such recommendations included successive battles by either the candidate or his group and any other defensive action a man could do to rescue the life of his fellow Lango. The number of human heads a candidate or his group brought home from any battle was an added advantage. Sons of great outgone leaders stood the chance of appointment and those with bad recommendations were avoided from being initiated into the system. The elders believed in a saying that ‘a guinea fowl passes its baldness to the offspring’ meaning if your father was a bad leader, you would follow his footsteps or even be worse than him.

Kilir (middle-aged class) The second group was called ‘Kilir’ or eagle, comprising middle-aged men and their women. Kilir was mainly for food production and agriculture - related issues. If two or more Lango members were feuding over a piece of land especially its edge (nekorii), clear boundaries were justly marked with dalbergia melanoxylon (nafaiti) to avoid further dispute. In order to reach the final resolutions, reliable bystanders were needed and judgments would be made in consultation with the elders to bar encroachment during cultivation or harvesting times. Kilir would ensure resolving the matter before forwarding it to the council of elders who were the finalists. In case of hunger or starvation, this group was ready to curb it down and to make sure no member of any caliber was reported dead. Important farmland such as bayou (natorit) was inherited by members of the family or clans and sometimes temporarily by a cousin, nephew or niece.

Lorinyu (fearless class of youths) The 3rd class was known as Lorinyu (fearless). Members of this group were responsible for protecting the elders, women, children, animals and above all territorial shielding against any external attack. They would ensure no footprint of an enemy entered the territory. Routine patrol in the outskirts of the villages was one of the main duties of Lorinyu. In case of a raid by external forces, a military leader known as “Lanyakangani” would lead the army to the battlefield. As they moved, war songs were sung besides enchantments that were aimed at strengthening the hearts of fearful men. Following enemies’ footprints beyond territorial lines was their motive. Famous warriors included inter Alia, Namwang, Lohiti, Alirinyang and many others. Unlike other warriors, Alirinyang was more powerful than anybody else. He was such a giant man who could weigh nearly 300kg.

Social organization

Marriages Marriages are solemnized in presence of parents, friends and witnesses from either side. Life partners are commonly selected outside the family (constituting all other clans) or tribe. Except a negligible fraction of love marriages (nolohiriafit), all marriages are arranged. Divorce rate was very low because certain materials such as sacks of ashes from ….tree (nehietek) were difficult to return back to the owner if there were used up by the girl’s family. Money was the second means of dowry prize among the clans of the Lango. A currency called Rupee was used hence, Lango corrupted it to Naropia (money). 1 Rupee was equivalent to 1 cow. Thus, counting this money was based upon comparison for what it worth. For example, 5 Rupees was counted as “noho husuk miet” which means for five heads of cattle and so on and so forth. . 

The birth of a male child was taken as a source of pride since he was thought to be the defender of this family and tribe. A girl was considered a visitor since she would be taken away by somebody else upon growing up. Lango are polygamous in social marital status. They marry more than one wife. A man with many wives and children was respected by the rest of the community members. They believed such a man was wealthy, responsible and capable enough to lead a society. Marriage was done only by responsible men. Marrying a Lango lady, would require respect of in-laws. A newly married couple should respect parents of either side. But the bridegroom takes upper hand. Seeing the lady’s parents or greeting them before and after an official marriage ceremony was considered immoral unless they were given a goat. If you want to meet a Lango girl, you should approach the parents in their home, instead of public places. Today, dancing carnival is the meeting ground. During elopement, the bride should be accompanied by a group of beautiful girls and handsome energetic young men.

Birth and child naming After three or four days when the umbilicus dried up, a child was ready to be named. A special drink called 'nabalu' was prepared alongside food. The mother would sit at the door while holding her baby obliquely to the chest. An elderly woman would take a very small quantity of sauce then use one finger for giving it to the baby for neonatal blessings. Similarly, beer was given to the baby before her mother after which naming would be opened for everyone. Babies were named according to their family order. The first five male names were Lokang, Loboi, Lodai, Lomira, Lokideng and Lohalu and girls’ were Nakang, Naboi, Nadai, Namira, Nakideng and Ihalu. Other children were generally called Ilau meaning extras or without positions. Children without positions were named according to events instead. They were also named after their relatives, visiting friends and sometimes after life experience etc. Fighting was forbidden during that ceremonial day especially those who tasted the meal otherwise a lamb would be sacrificed.

Death and burial When a member of the Lango people passed on, the body would be left for some hours to prove that he or she had been called by the ancestors. After which he or she would be buried on one side of the door outside the hut. Burial of female members was distinguished from that of male members by burying them to the left corners of the huts. They believed that men were stronger than women. So, they buried them to the right corners of the huts facing the door and women were oppositely buried. Dead relatives were buried differently from the true family members; they were buried facing east or west depending upon the characteristic of the clan totem. However, those who died of genetically inherited diseases were not buried, but were taken to caves and left there for sometimes before collecting the remnants. The bits and bobs were kept in a pot that was placed under a cold cave so that when it rained, the water should get splashed into the broken-based pot to wash and keep cool the bones.

Spirituality, beliefs, healings and traditions Lango believed in existence of one Spiritual Being (Najiok). This Spirit of Supreme Being is believed to exist alongside the spirit of the forefathers. Therefore, it was a must for every household to erect a miniature stone shrine. If an elder was absent, the head of the family would give offering to the giver of everything (Najiok.)

If a member was sick, the skull of the dead relative was brought home in the evening and an elderly member of the family would be requested to sprinkle water upon the patient. They were doing this due to a belief that sickness was caused by an angered spirit of a dead relative. As a sign of change of heart, the rest of the family or lineage members were asked to spit saliva in a sacred calabash of water (lecholi) which was later poured on the base of a miniature stone shrine (natifine) and the performer would wash his/her hands in a gutter of unused grinding stone.

Dressing The mode of dress among the Lango tribe was very similar but had a few minor dissimilarities with other villages. From head to toe, a Lango woman would decorate her plaited hair with royal regalia (nasihira) before the introduction of beads by the Arab traders. However, this form of dressing has been left to the witch doctors or Lango traditional herbalists. On her nutched ears were pieces of tiny chains loosely hanging from the earlobes. The nostril was tagged with a small pin made of ivory. A knitted animal fur (nawuniati) was worn round the neck. Warthog, porcupine and buffalo furs were the desired. On the humeral aspect of the arm, the tip of a dead animal tail (nawis) was worn for hovering. On the fore arm, between the elbow and the wrist, pyramidalic ring was worn for scratching an opponent in a fight. On the fingers, a ring like shell was worn by wedded men or women. In most cases, the chest was barely dressed. This was meant for detecting a grown up woman from a girl. Skin (Naluba) was the common waist wear of both men and women. Newly made naluba was worn only by married women and the elderly would wear the nearly worn ones. A fine skin of a goat or animal was a raw material for manufacturing this Lango traditional attire. Naluba had two parts; nefes and nafute confined by a kneated fabric material (nahurunya) at the beltline .This material was extracted from a wild sisal like fibre. Tiny flexible chains (nachif) worn over the lower abdomen was the most expensive ornamental wear of that time. It replaced naluba, but it lost its market when the number of the skilled makers (blacksmiths) dropped in 1400s. Men wore a special pair of shorts called natajama and a shirt known as nawaru. Like naluba, natajama and nawaru were made of light animal's skin. Nawaru was obliquely worn over the trunk. Around the malleoli (ankles), a threaded pellets of bells (jingles) were worn by women and girls. A man would wear only a piece or two. Men wore a leopard's skin and sometimes that of a cheater or jaguar. In their hands they held a light but hard shielded animal hide (nateregel) in one hand usually the left and a spear or an axe like tool called nolodok in the other hand. Elderly and richly traditional men possessed a two headed spear with a short wooden handle in the middle called (nanyaliru). Men also held a horn like flute called (napillo) for communication. Hunting Hunting is one of the major activities of the Lango men. Killing a wild animal from the cat's family was a bravery. A lion and a leopard are among the most feared beasts. When a Lango man wounded one of these animals, an alarm would be made to call all men who would go and trace it. The killer would undergo a three day ceremony and be asked with friends to spend three days in the bush sleeping on ashen floor and eating from a broken Calabash. A ritual is then performed to enchantingly bring him home. In all these days, a funeral like ceremony orchestrated by a dance and war songs would be conducted to honor the killer. If it is a leopardess or lioness, the days would be extended to four.

Agriculture Agriculture was one of the most important activities of the Lango people. Crops like millet, finger millets, sorghums, maize, pumpkins, melons, peas, beans, rice and many others were grown in consistency with environmental favorability. Gardens were cultivated communally in which every member would have a number of helpers each year of crop growing. When a communal gardening was conducted, it would attract almost all people especially those whose gardens were under communal hand giving. A satisfactory clapping dance (nahichuma) would soon start even in the garden once the members were satisfied with a drink. Food was considered less important. Men would dig in columnal portionining (nediri) while Women would pack the grass. Weeding was done by women but making a platform and a shelter was the work of men. Scaring birds was done by children but would be assisted in case the birds would turn wild. Harvesting was done by women although men would be requested to put down the erecting sorghum stalks. Bush cutting was only done by men unless the woman had no one to help.

Education Pre-colonial education of the Lango people was both formal and informal. Children were morally taught by their mother or siblings. Addressing their relatives and respecting other people was one of the leading educational topics. When they were teens, boys were then taught by their father or male relative whereas girls by their mother or female relative. Children were taken to their relatives to stay with them especially when they were many at home. Games, folk stories, myths, proverbs, and riddles were done after supper in order to foster to them a sense of domestic responsibility. Stories were not told at day time. The proverbs contained moral and social maxims, and riddles stimulated the activity of the mind. Among the common stories, animal stories such as hare (Foyo), Elephant (Tome), Hyena (Ibou), Sheep, Tortoise, frog and many others were narrated to children to provoke their senses of humor. True stories of brave men were also told to children especially boys to build them up with fighting skills of killing an enemy. The story of the strongest man called Alirinyang is one of the famous stories still retold today.

Economical Organization Land Tenure Land in pre-colonial era was a common land, and any untilled area belonged to the first person or family who tilled it and it was passed on to sons. Daughters were not allowed to inherit any piece of land unless declared by the person concerned. Land which had not been cultivated in the past could be tilled by any family, and once it had been tilled the community regarded it as the property of the family whose ancestor first cultivated it. Building huts were similarly done as above. The traditional land tenure is still widely used in rural areas of South Sudan. Market Batter trade was the medium of exchange. In case of hunger, a foul or chicken would be given out for sorghum and to some extent a bull would go for large or extended families. Ivory, cowrie shells and traditional attires were among the major goods sold at the market. There was no established market area, because Lango believed that a business person is a public beggar, so goods were sold from door to door.

The origin of Lango Calendar Aside from the rest of the clans, the one that moved to the center had a system of counting the weeks and the months of the year. They had a rock painting system of calendar where months and years could be counted following seasonal changes.

This can be evident by a rock at Hayere that bears these paintings. Though the painting was not done alphabetically, it has some dotted marks that can be counted as numbers. More research is yet to be done to find more about these two historical sites of Lobira and Hayere and by use of carbon fourteen (XIV), their ages should be examined to determine the period in which Lango took settlements in South Sudan, particularly Eastern Equatoria. No clan or sub-tribe came ahead of another. Lango as a people came and settled together in the respective settlements. Up to now, the six sub-tribes are peacefully coexisting.

Notes Personal notes on various interviews with Lango elders such as Lopinna, Abondio, Adika specially Ayani whom I hosted on the voice of Eastern Equatoria State Radio during Lango Language program of November, 2010 in Torit.

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The History of the Lango People of South Sudan[edit]

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