Narco communication in Mexico
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Narco communications are messages from criminal groups in Mexico. As researchers have noted, organized crime groups are generally thought to avoid attention and operate under the radar, avoiding government prosecution as they engage in criminal activity. However, in Mexico, criminal groups expend an enormous amount of effort in communicating with the government, the public and other criminal groups.[1] Each year, over 1,000 narco messages and dozens of narco videos are released by criminal groups who aim to control their reputation.[2]
Usage and purpose[edit]
Criminal groups use narco communications for a variety of reasons, including threatening rivals or the government, accusing people of criminal actions, managing their public reputation and recruiting members.[3] For example in the late 2000s, Los Zetas, a historical criminal group, would leave banners in public areas of northern Mexico offering better pay and work than the Mexican government as part of their efforts to recruit police officers and soldiers.[4]
Criminal groups will sometimes leave narco messages next to severed pig heads as a threat to police officers.[5]
Criminal groups often use stock phrases, mottos, and other rhetorical devices in their messaging to build their brand. For example, the Grupo Elite faction of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) use the phrase "Remember that all of Guanajuato has an owner" in most of their narco communications. A Borderland Beat article reported that in 2021, out of the 57 narco messages attributed to CJNG in Guanajuato, 45 of them (79%) included this exact phrase.[6]
Different types of narco communications[edit]
There are several types of narco communications, ranging from narco messages, or "narcomensajes" in Spanish, which are physical communications often left at crime scenes, to narco videos, which can range from interrogation or torture videos to scripted press, conference style videos.[7]
Narco messages[edit]
The most basic and most common form of narco communication in Mexico is the physical narco message. These are messages often hand written on cardboard or paper sheets. They are commonly left at crime scenes for the purpose of claiming or explaining a murder, or accusing the victim of being involved in crime. About half of narco messages are left at crime scenes next to corpses.[8]
Narco banners[edit]
Narco banners are also physical communications, but are larger in size and are often painted on sheets of cloth or professionally printed on plastic banners. They are frequently hung from bridges, highways, or other public places.[9]
History[edit]
Various forms of narco communication have been employed by criminal groups in Mexico for at least three decades.
Some have theorized that Mexican criminal groups were inspired by Colombian paramilitary organizations who left similar written communications next to the bodies of rivals in the 1990s.[10]
Criminal groups in Mexico began filming executions and narco videos around the same time that the western media began covering similar videos filmed by Middle Eastern terror groups. It is unclear which groups inspired the others, or if they evolved separately.
Former Mexican President Felipe Calderón expressed his disapproval of how news outlets handled organized crime and their messages. He argued that these networks would demand large sums of money from corporations or the government to advertise, while freely providing coverage of criminal messages. In response to criticism from various sectors, including civil society and the government, and under pressure from criminal groups, a total of 715 news organizations joined forces in 2011.[11] They signed an agreement, coordinated by major media companies Televisa and TV Azteca, to regulate and moderate their coverage of organized crime in Mexico. This agreement entailed commitments to avoid inadvertently serving as mouthpieces for criminal organizations and to adjust the tone of their coverage to condemn criminals.[12]
Today, the mainstream Mexican press sparingly reports on narco messaging, often blurring photos, and omitting mention of the contents of messages, in order to reduce their impact.
References[edit]
- ↑ Laura H. Atuesta (2017) Narcomessages as a way to analyse the evolution of organised crime in Mexico, Global Crime, 18:2, 100-121, DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2016.1248556
- ↑ Martin, Carlos (January 2012). "Categorization of Narcomessages in Mexico: An Appraisal of the Attempts to Influence Public Perception and Policy Actions". Studies in Conflict & Terrorism. 35 (1): 76–93. doi:10.1080/1057610X.2012.631459. ISSN 1057-610X.
- ↑ Phillips, Brian J.; Ríos, Viridiana (February 2020). "Narco-Messages: Competition and Public Communication by Criminal Groups". Latin American Politics and Society. 62 (1): 1–24. doi:10.1017/lap.2019.43. ISSN 1531-426X.
- ↑ "Narcos ofrecen casa y carro a militares". La Nación (in español). 2008-04-18. Retrieved 2023-07-10.
- ↑ Crime, InSight (2021-09-03). "Severed Pig Heads - Widespread Cartel Threats Against Mexican Police". InSight Crime. Retrieved 2023-07-10.
- ↑ El Huaso (November 20, 2022). "CJNG Burns CSRL Linked Hospital Mentioned In Guacamaya Leaks in Celaya, Guanajauto". Retrieved 2023-07-11.
- ↑ "Narco Terms". Retrieved 2023-07-10.
- ↑ Martin, Carlos (January 2012). "Categorization of Narcomessages in Mexico: An Appraisal of the Attempts to Influence Public Perception and Policy Actions". Studies in Conflict & Terrorism. 35 (1): 76–93. doi:10.1080/1057610X.2012.631459. ISSN 1057-610X.
- ↑ "CJNG Condemns Bar Massacre In Narco Banners Hung Around Irapuato, Guanajuato". Retrieved 2023-07-10.
- ↑ REDACCION EL TIEMPO. “CARTA a LOS PEPES de PABLO ESCOBAR.” El Tiempo, El Tiempo, 2 December 1993, www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-270769. Accessed 10 July 2023.
- ↑ C.V, DEMOS, Desarrollo de Medios, S. A. de (2011-03-24). "La Jornada: Medios de comunicación firmarán pacto sobre cobertura de la violencia del narco". www.jornada.com.mx (in español). Retrieved 2023-07-10.
- ↑ Lozano Rendón, José Carlos (August 2016). "El Acuerdo para la Cobertura Informativa de la Violencia en México: un intento fallido de autorregulación". Comunicación y sociedad (in español) (26): 13–42. ISSN 0188-252X.
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