República Mista
 Title page for volume one of República Mista (1602), A Treatise on Three Precepts by Which the Romans Were Better Governed. | |
| Author | Tomás Fernández de Medrano |
|---|---|
| Original title | República Mista: Sobre los Tres Preceptos que el Embajador de los Romanos Dio al Rey Ptolomeo Respecto al Buen Gobierno de su República. (Volume One) |
| Illustrator | |
| Country | Madrid, Spain |
| Language | Early Modern Spanish and Latin |
| Series | 1 of 7 |
| Subject | Political philosophy, governance, Catholic political theology, doctrine of delegated authority, juridical doctrine of monarchy, moral-philosophical discourse, Spanish Baroque political literature |
| Genre | Mirror for princes, political treatise, Catholic political literature, doctrinal political literature |
| Publisher | Juan Flamenco |
Publication date | 5 March 1602 |
| Media type | |
| Pages | 158 |
República Mista (English: Mixed Republic)[1] is a seven-volume legal, political, theological, and doctrinal treatise of the Spanish Golden Age by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, a Navarrese-Castilian nobleman, lay knight of the Order of St. John (without vows), jurist, theologian, royal counselor, secretary of the holy chapters and assemblies of Castile, and secretary of state and war to Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy, and Princess Catalina Micaela of Spain. Although only the first volume was published, it was brought to light by Medrano's son Fray Juan Fernández de Medrano y Sandoval and issued in Madrid in 1602 by Juan Flamenco on the royal press under decree of Philip III of Spain, following examination and approval by the Royal Council. In the decree dated 25 September 1601, the king summarized the República Mista, authorized its printing, secured its transmission under law, and commanded its contents to be observed and executed by the councils and judicial authorities of the Spanish monarchy.[2]
Dedicated to Francisco de Sandoval y Rojas, 1st Duke of Lerma, valido of Philip III, and composed in Early Modern Spanish and Latin, the República Mista codifies a doctrine of governance grounded in a mixed republic combining monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy with twenty-one precepts. Its first volume, titled On the Three Precepts that the Ambassador of the Romans Gave to King Ptolemy Regarding the Good Governance of His Republic, is structured around the foundational precepts of religion, obedience, and justice, through which Medrano defines the moral and juridical order of rulers, magistrates, and subjects and sets forth a doctrine of delegated authority upheld in medieval and early modern Spain.[3]
Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Chief Chronicler of Castile and the Americas, informed Philip III of Spain that "the subject matter is very useful and beneficial, full of good teachings, examples, and history."[4] In 1617, Fray Juan de Salazar later cited the doctrine codified in the República Mista to characterize the Spanish monarchy as governed by virtue and reason while bound by divine and natural law.[5] The work aligns with the anti-Machiavellian tradition by rejecting the reduction of religion to a political instrument. Instead, Medrano presents religion as the foundation of moral order and the precondition for legitimate governance.[6]
Overview and structure
Tomás Fernández de Medrano writes that he transmitted and codified a doctrine already practiced in Spain.[3] Outlined in the first treatise of República Mista, Medrano presents a lived and practiced system of mixed republic that integrates monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy into a single moral and juridical order grounded in religion, in which each form tempers the excesses of the others to preserve justice, stability, and the common good.[7] His República Mista was a written seven-part series, with each volume addressing three key precepts drawn from the seven most flourishing republics in history. Only the first volume was published, devoted to the Roman precepts of religion, obedience, and justice, rooted in ancient philosophy and applied to governance within the Spanish Empire.[3]
The work is structured as a dialogue between King Ptolemy and ambassadors of the classical republics, each presenting three precepts of their polity. In its prologue, Medrano sets out this political doctrine in a style reminiscent of earlier Spanish literature influenced by Arabic traditions, combining narrative with philosophical reflection.[8]
Tomás, who permitted his son Juan to bring the work to publication, explicitly stated he wrote seven treatises, publishing only the first, and included his original intent at the outset of the treatise:
I present only the first of seven treatises I have written, each addressing three points. This one focuses on the primary precepts of religion, obedience, and justice, to see how it is received. If it is well-received, the others will follow, collectively titled Mixed Republic. Since these matters concern everyone, I dedicate this to all, so that each may take what best suits their purpose.[9]
In the first and only printed volume, Tomás Fernández de Medrano illustrates three Roman precepts through scriptural references, historical examples, and contemporary models of leadership. From classical antiquity, he draws on thinkers such as Cicero, Tacitus, Plato, and Aristotle, whose reflections on governance, virtue, and justice underpin much of his analysis.[10]
Exemplary rulers including Lycurgus, Numa Pompilius, and Alexander the Great are invoked as models of wise and ethical leadership, while figures like Codrus and Aristides are cited for their self-sacrifice and devotion to justice.[10]
Medrano also praises leaders of his own era, such as Pope Sixtus V, Pope Pius V, and Pope Gregory XIII, for their clemency, piety, and commitment to social order. He incorporates mythological references as well, using Deucalion to symbolize political renewal, Atlas to represent endurance and structure, and Bacchus as an emblem of communal joy and harmony.[11]
Authorship
Miguel Herrero García, in his introduction to Fray Juan de Salazar's book, declares:
Don Juan Fernández de Medrano y Sandoval, of the house of the Lords of Valdeosera, is credited as the author of this book, published in Madrid in 1602 under the title República Mista. However, despite what the cover states, we conclude that the book was written by his father, Tomás Fernández de Medrano.[12]
The Spanish bibliographer Nicolás Antonio, knight of Santiago, unequivocally attributes the authorship of the Mixed Republic to Tomás Fernández de Medrano.[13] This father-son collaboration is echoed in the Orazion Consotoria dedicated to Lord Carlo Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, with Tomás as the author and his son Juan responsible for its publication. Similarly, the funeral oration honoring the virtues of King Philip II is also credited to Tomás Fernández de Medrano.[14]
According to the royal decree issued by Philip III of Spain, Juan Fernández de Medrano y Sandoval discovered "a book titled A Treatise on Three Precepts by Which the Romans Were Better Governed" among the papers of his father, Tomás Fernández de Medrano.[10]
Miguel Herrero García asserts that the royal printing license "leaves no room for doubt" regarding Tomás Fernández de Medrano's authorship. He states that this was not simply a harmless literary device of the time, citing several points: Medrano was alive when the license was granted, the book contains multiple first-person accounts of events in Italy, it simultaneously functions as a preserver of the oration by Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy, under whom Medrano served as advisor and secretary of state and war (1591—1598).[15]
In the first section titled Princes, Ministers, Subjects, Tomás Fernández de Medrano used a chivalric-metaphor to explain why he initially wrote República Mista anonymously:
Let no one inquire about the identity of this adventurer, who has dared to step into the public arena with a masked face, fearing the risk of gaining no honor. For that reason, I ask earnestly not to be commanded to reveal myself, for I come from the confines of a prison where I find myself, and I am running this course with these three lances. And if, due to their strength, I cannot break them, I humbly ask the judges to observe where the blows land. I promise they will all strike above the belt, and with such skill that no one will be harmed, offended, or dismounted from their horse. My intentions are truly good.[16]
Royal decree
Juan Fernández de Medrano y Sandoval, under the guidance of his father, formally petitioned the king and the Royal Council for license to publish the first volume of his father's República Mista. Following this petition and its examination by the Council, Philip III of Spain issued a royal decree on 25 September 1601 in which he expressly identified and restated the three precepts of the treatise in his own words.[2]
Philip granted Tomás and his son the license and faculty for its printing throughout the Kingdoms of Castile for a period of six years from the date of the decree. The decree established formal legal protection for the text and specified the penalties for unauthorized reproduction without Juan Fernández de Medrano's authority.[11] The decree further required that any reprinting within the six-year term conform exactly to the inspected original, signed on every page and at its conclusion by Juan Gallo de Andrada, Secretary of the Chamber. Each printed copy was to include the authorized errata, and no edition could be issued until verified and priced by the Royal Council. In this manner, the faithful transmission of the doctrine was secured under royal law.[11]
The royal decree of the República Mista was issued at Valladolid on 25 September 1601, signed by Philip III and countersigned by Luis de Salazar by order of the King.[10] By directing the Council of Castile and all other justices of the realm to observe and execute the decree and its contents, Philip III placed the treatise within the administrative and judicial government of the monarchy.[17][18]
Historical context
In the first volume of the República Mista, titled On the Three Precepts that the Ambassador of the Romans Gave to King Ptolemy Regarding the Good Governance of His Republic, Medrano offers his treatise as a codified doctrine upheld in Spain and focused on the three precepts of religion, obedience, and justice as the foundation of Spanish governance.[10] He says it is "our duty to instill from the earliest age in our hearts" the laws by which we are to "hold in awe, respect, obey, and serve Kings, Councils, and Magistrates for the common good."[3] Medrano confirms this is "preserved and observed with great dedication" in Spain; "the doctrine will serve as theoretical instruction for those who have already learned it through practice and as guidance for those unaware of it."[3]
According to Rubiés, early seventeenth-century Spanish political thought united republican language, scholastic natural law, and classical classifications of government within monarchical systems expressed in republican and mixed constitutional terms.[19] The República Mista (1602) provides a doctrinal resolution of this problem. Medrano defines the Spanish polity as a mixed Republic ordered to the common good, governed by doctrine, harmonized with natural and divine precepts, and treating monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy as enduring forms of governance operating within a single moral and legal order.[4] In this doctrine, delegated authority meant that sovereignty is unified in the prince under God, and the protection of the Holy Catholic Church was essential to maintaining his temporal stewardship, while the exercise of government proceeds through councils, offices, and virtuous magistrates selected according to service, merit, and equity. These institutions regulate the use of power, preserve justice, and maintain political stability without fragmenting the kings delegated sovereignty.[20]
Medrano teaches that free rulers possess the authority to make and enforce laws upon all, both generally and individually. This authority contains the symbols and acts of supreme sovereignty that jurists call the Regalia. He states that the Regalia may be distilled into eight primary points, so that their lawful exercise may be better understood and obeyed: To create and repeal laws. To declare war or establish peace. To act as the highest court of appeal. To appoint and remove high officials. To levy and collect taxes and public contributions. To grant pardons and dispensations. To set or alter the value and currency of money. To require oaths of loyalty and obedience from all subjects.[citation needed]
Medrano asserted there are two types of authority: One supreme and delegated authority, but not self-constituted, answerable only to God; Subordinate authority, bound by law and exercised by magistrates for a limited time under royal commission.[3]
Reception and international influence
In a letter dated around 1607, Medrano reported that Philip III and his ministers were well aware of the services he had rendered by sea and land, in peace and war, and of his political treatise concerning the governance of the Republic.[21]
Medrano's República Mista significantly shaped Philip III's approach to kingship.[22][23][24] His República Mista reinforced Madrid-Rome ties,[25] and associated a religious foundation with the Spanish monarchy's "greatness" and prestige.[26] In 1617, Medrano's codified doctrine in the República Mista (1602) was fully embraced by Fray Juan de Salazar in his attempt to define the Spanish monarchy.[27][28]
Portrayal of Philip III
Although many modern historians have characterized Philip III of Spain as passive or politically weak,[29] Medrano presents him in República Mista as the embodiment of a sacral and restrained form of Catholic kingship, governed through justice, prudence, mercy, delegated authority, and conscious submission to divine order.[30]
In discussing the precept of justice, Medrano presents Philip III as embodying the moral limits of delegated authority, demonstrating that a Catholic king governs through humility, restraint, and magnanimity toward his subjects.[31] Medrano presents Philip III as embodying the moral obligations of sacred kingship, affirming that royally delegated authority must remain tempered by humility, justice, and generosity toward subjects.[31]
Medrano describes Philip III's virtues. The king is holy because he has no disordered inclinations and entrusts difficult matters to wise and religious counselors placed beside him by divine providence. He is valiant because he understands that power collapses unless it is accompanied by real strength. For this reason he assembled a great fleet and army that humbled his greatest enemies without requiring bloodshed or his personal presence on the battlefield.[31]
Medrano presents Philip III as the model of a virtuous Catholic monarch, demonstrating that holy kingship is upheld through justice, prudence, mercy, and piety.[31]
Medrano advised that a king should avoid familiarity with his subjects, limiting close interaction to a single trusted intermediary. He writes, "they should avoid becoming too familiar with anyone, except with those who will serve as their counselors (who should hold similar esteem among the people)."[1] Medrano provides classical examples such as Tiberius, cited to illustrate how restricted access could preserve authority, while Christian doctrine provided a parallel in the guarded visibility of the sacred. Authors such as Diego de Guzmán argued that constant exposure diminished reverence, drawing analogies to the treatment of the Eucharist, whose sanctity required restraint and controlled presentation.[32]
At the center of Medrano's political theology was the precept that the king exists so that his subjects may prosper (medrar) for the common good. He expressed this doctrine by saying: "Rex eligitur non ut sese moliter curet, sed ut per ipsum, qui elegerunt, bene beateque agant. A king is chosen not to care for himself but so that, through him, those who chose him may live well and prosper."[citation needed]
From these teachings Medrano concluded that a king's dignity grows (medrar) from his rare public presence and from the elevation of a trusted minister who serves as the visible executor of royal will. Philip III's restricted audiences, his disciplined reserve, and his reliance on the Duke of Lerma were therefore not signs of indolence or weakness. They were enactments of a sacral form of government in which distance magnified majesty and delegated authority allowed the people to live well and prosper (medrar), fulfilling the doctrinal standard Medrano had inherited and codified.[4]
Medrano's vision of kingship, rooted in sacred distance, obedience, and divine legitimacy, naturally called for a trusted intermediary to manage public affairs. In this context, the figure of the valido (chief minister) emerged not as a rival to the monarch, but as a functional extension of his will: a visible minister acting on behalf of an invisible king.[33] Medrano defined and defended the value and legitimacy of the valido through historical examples.[34] Drawing on lesser-known figures such as Callisthenes, adviser to Alexander the Great, and Panaetius of Rhodes, companion to Scipio Aemilianus, Medrano confirmed that trusted confidants could serve not as threats to royal authority but as prudent and loyal counselors who strengthened effective governance.[35] He presented the figure of the valido not as a rival to the king, but as a necessary extension of royal governance, someone entrusted with distinct responsibilities that contributed to a more unified and effective administration.[36] While defining delegated authority, Medrano simultaneously denounces favoritism and the corruption of courtly life. He strongly criticizes nepotism, flattery, and the promotion of the unworthy, urging sovereigns to honor merit and uphold justice as a foundational precept of their authority.[37]
Dedication to the Duke of Lerma
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The República Mista is openly dedicated to Francisco de Sandoval y Rojas, 1st Duke of Lerma, the first great valido, as its patron, dated 22 August 1601.[6] Written by Tomás Fernández de Medrano and formally presented in the name of his six-year-old son Juan, the dedication introduces the valido of Philip III as he emerged with the rise of the valimiento system through delegated authority.[5]
Tomás Fernández de Medrano, through the dedication presented by his son Juan Fernández de Medrano y Sandoval, addresses the first valido as follows:
The ship governed by two captains is endangered even without a storm. An empire that depends on more than one cannot endure, as experience teaches. If a second sun were joined to the fourth heaven, where our own sun shines, the earth would burn. Though this kingdom and monarchy may seem like the image of many bodies, it is but one, governed and animated by a single soul, when the members (as now) are united in preserving the whole, which is the public good. The King our lord made Your Excellency (God made it so) the captain of this ship, the soul of this body, and the sun that illumines us, knowing (as the Wise know) that in you resided the equal light required for such a role. From birth, you were as great in substance and form as you are now in action; all that was needed was a shadow to allow you, as His secondary cause, to exercise and extend the rays of your virtue across the globe. It seemed (and the world agreed) that Your Excellency's heart and spirit, like Augustus’, could hold such greatness. His Majesty daily recognizes the truth of his choice through the effects it brings. There is no one of good faith who does not wish this blessing to endure and to show gratitude to Your Excellency. I, as your most obliged servant, child of grateful servants, offer these three bouquets of Religion, Obedience, and Justice, colored with the civility that has ever cloaked Your Excellency. Though these are found in the garden of my father, open to all, there is no flower I would not cultivate especially for your service, as the universal father of the republic to whom all is owed. I humbly ask you to place them (so they do not wither) in the vessels of your grace, continuing the mercy Your Excellency has always shown us. In this, by your virtue and merits, we hope for what may be expected of so great a prince. To repay such a debt, I can only echo Ausonius: Nec tua fortuna desiderat remuneradi vicem, nec nostra suggerit restituendi facultatem ("Your fortune does not seek a reward in return, nor does ours offer the means to repay it").[10]
Medrano's dedication presents Lerma's office, the valido, as situated within a historical succession of chosen delegates who exercise authority and mediate on behalf of their sovereign. In this formulation, Tomás codifies thr office as fully operative within the Habsburg Empire, while its formal presentation through his son preserved the familial transmission of the work under the authority of the Spanish monarchs.[30]
Princes, Ministers, Subjects
In the opening section entitled "Princes, Subjects, Ministers," Medrano references ambassadors from various ancient republics to introduce precepts essential for maintaining a strong, prosperous, and enduring republic. Medrano sought to unify twenty-one precepts to showcase the diverse yet essential precepts underlying effective statecraft. Medrano writes:
When Ptolemy, King of Egypt, was discussing matters with the most distinguished ambassadors of the most flourishing republics of that era, he requested from each of them three essential precepts or laws by which their nations were governed.[38]
Each flourishing Republic and its corresponding three precepts represents one of the seven complete treatises Medrano had already written. Only the first, on religion, obedience, and justice, was published in 1602 as the first volume of seven within the República Mista.[10]
Twenty-one precepts of the República Mista
- The Roman ambassador said: "We Romans hold great respect and reverence for our temples and our homeland. We deeply obey the mandates of our governors and magistrates. We reward the good and punish the wicked with severity."
- The Carthaginian ambassador states, "In our republic, the nobles never cease to fight, the officials and commoners never stop working, and the philosophers continually teach."
- The Sicilian ambassador asserts, "Among us, justice is strictly upheld. Business is conducted with truthfulness. All are esteemed as equals."
- The Rhodian ambassador remarks, "In Rhodes, the elderly are honorable, the young men are modest, and the women are reserved and speak sparingly."
- The Athenian ambassador declares, "We do not allow the rich to be partial, the poor to be idle, or those who govern to be ignorant."
- The Lacedaemonian (Spartan) ambassador proclaims, "In Sparta, envy does not reign because there is equality; greed does not exist because goods are shared in common; and idleness is absent because everyone works."
- The Sicyonian ambassador explains, "We do not permit anyone to travel abroad, so that they do not bring back new and disruptive ideas upon their return; nor do we allow physicians who could harm the healthy, nor lawyers and orators who would take up the defense of disputes and lawsuits."
Medrano concludes that if these customs were upheld in a state, it would maintain its greatness for a long time. He encourages a deep study and thoughtful application of these precepts, integrating lessons from both sacred texts and historical accounts to guide governance and societal harmony.[9]
Prologue
República Mista begins with a foundational 16-page prologue, establishing Medrano's vision of governance through history, philosophy, and divine law.[10] Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, historian to Philip III, recognized its importance, advising the king that it was essential to understanding the work.[30] The prologue explores the foundations of politics and society, including the progression from family to municipality, province, and kingdom. Medrano defines politics as "the soul of the city," equating its role to prudence within the human body, as it "directs all decisions, preserves all benefits, and wards off all harms."[39]
This opening establishes the intellectual foundation for comprehending the delicate equilibrium of governance within a mixed republic. Emphasizing the three essential pillars of religion, obedience, and justice, Medrano writes:
Divine justice and human governance are so closely intertwined that one cannot exist among men without the other.[10]
Expanding upon this foundation, Medrano presents three virtuous forms of government: monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy, and contrasts them with their corrupt counterparts: tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy in its degenerated form. He explains that each virtuous form serves the public good, while the corrupt forms devolve into self-serving rule. By contrasting these three opposites, Medrano delineates the three forms of good government within a mixed republic that blends monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy, thereby codifying a structure of governance capable of resisting the inherent vices of each form in isolation.[39]
Drawing on historical and philosophical examples, including the Spanish monarchy, Medrano demonstrates how this balance fosters societal harmony and stability while avoiding the pitfalls of purely singular forms of government. He teaches that each system degenerates when it loses its foundational virtues and becomes consumed by selfishness or disarray.[39]
Monarchy
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Medrano views monarchy as the most natural and cohesive form of governance. A single ruler, he confirms, provides unity and decisiveness, ensuring that decisions are made in the interest of the entire state. He draws on philosophical reasoning, quoting Aristotle's assertion that "a multitude of rulers is not good," and emphasizes that a virtuous monarch must prioritize the public good over personal gain. However, Medrano warns of monarchy's potential to devolve into tyranny if power becomes unchecked or if rulers lack moral integrity. Medrano identifies monarchy as the closest reflection of divine governance, citing the singularity of God as the ideal for unity and authority:
As there is one God, creator and ruler of all, so should there be one prince, governing with wisdom and justice... the governance of one represents the order of nature, by which all things are reduced to a primary ruling precept, just as all celestial orbs and moving things are ordered by the prime mover. Hence, we observe in the universe a single God, creator and governor of all (Rex Deus quifpiam humanus est); in the bees, one queen; in the flock, one shepherd. And for the sake of peace and the preservation of all things, what is more appropriate than to concentrate power in a single ruler?[10]
A monarch, he explains, must emulate divine virtues, prioritizing the common good over personal desires. Medrano warns, however, that monarchy can devolve into tyranny if the ruler strays from these virtues, emphasizing the need for piety and humility to align earthly authority with divine will. Regarding tyranny, he states, "A tyrant governs not for the people, but for his own desires, treating the state as his possession rather than a sacred trust." Tyranny arises when a monarch abandons justice and piety, becoming an oppressor rather than a protector.[39]
Aristocracy
Aristocracy, the governance by the virtuous, is extolled by Medrano for its focus on wisdom, experience, and the common good. Medrano introduces aristocracy as the second form of "just and good Republic," a form of government he calls "the power of the most virtuous," which in Latin they call Optimates, for they are esteemed to be good and most virtuous:
This form of government takes place when a few men, esteemed for their good customs and doctrine, hold authority over the body of the people and enact laws for the rest of the populace (whether in general or in particular), directing their purpose solely towards public benefit and utility, as was excellently seen among the Lacedaemonians, whose Republic surpassed all others and endured for nearly five hundred years, having long held the empire of Greece.[10]
He presents historical examples like the governance of Sparta, which achieved remarkable longevity and stability through a carefully structured aristocratic system. In aristocracy, Medrano sees the potential for collective wisdom and virtue to govern effectively.[39]
He introduces the opposite of aristocracy, which he identified as oligarchy:
Opposed to this (as its contrary) is Oligarchy, the second form of depraved Republic, which occurs when a few noble or wealthy men seize authority over public administration, disregarding the poor, and orienting their purpose toward private benefit rather than public welfare, converting their obligation into tyranny, as happened in Sicily and in all ancient oligarchies.[10]
Medrano affirms that aristocracy is most effective when leaders are chosen by merit rather than privilege, but warns that it degenerates into oligarchy when corrupted by greed and self-interest. Oligarchy serves a narrow minority at the expense of the common good, undermining political harmony. To prevent this decline, he insists that rulers be guided by good customs and doctrine.[39]
Timocracy
Timocracy, which Medrano defines as governance by individuals of moderate wealth and merit, occupies a middle ground between monarchy and aristocracy. Drawing on Aristotle's insights, Medrano notes that this form of governance ensures that neither extreme wealth nor poverty dominates, fostering a more equitable society. However, he notes that timocracy is vulnerable to instability when personal interests outweigh collective responsibility.[39]
On timocracy, he writes:
The third form of just and good Republic is called Timocracy, which is the rule of moderate wealth. Aristotle speaks of this, saying: "A civil society constituted by such men is most beneficial, and cities are well-governed by them, for where there is an extreme of wealth and poverty, it tends to produce either extreme Democracy, intolerable Oligarchy, or tyranny due to these excesses.[39]
Medrano regards timocracy as a governance system rooted in moderation and equity, drawing parallels to God's justice in rewarding virtue and punishing vice. This form of government relies on individuals with sufficient means and merit to serve the public interest without succumbing to greed. Medrano warns, however, that without divine and natural precepts to temper human ambition, timocracy can degenerate into chaos or selfish governance.[39]
Timocracy's opposite, Democracy, which he calls "a depraved form of republic," while acknowledging its appeal to liberty, is described as unstable and prone to excess. Medrano introduces the final form of "depraved Republic" he identifies as democracy, where free men and the poor, being in greater number, are "masters of the State," which he identifies in five forms:
The first, where government is equally shared among all. The second, where a small amount of wealth is taken into consideration. The third, where, with laws in place, all citizens participate in governance. The fourth, where anyone can rise to the office of Magistrate as long as they are a citizen and the law permits it. The fifth, where, with all other things being equal, the multitude rules instead of the law, governing the State at its own whim, oppressing the virtuous, the wealthy, and the noble with daily decrees and provisions, to live licentiously. This is called Ochlocracy (which is insolent popular rule) and is more of a tyranny than a republic, like the Democracy of Athens.[10]
Medrano uses the Democracy of Athens to warn that unchecked democracy, though appealing in its promise of liberty, can easily descend into mob rule (ochlocracy), where fleeting passions overpower reason and governance becomes erratic.[39]
The Spanish Monarchy as a Mixed Republic
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Tomás Fernández de Medrano's prologue culminates in the mixed republic, where the strengths of monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy are interwoven to create a balanced and enduring system. For Medrano, only a divinely guided mixed republic can sustain lasting stability, equity, and justice, anchoring human governance in the civil, natural and divine laws of God:
From these three forms, philosophers composed a mixed Republic, saying that any form of Republic established on its own and in simple terms soon degenerates into the nearest vice if not moderated by the others; and that, to sustain Republics in proper governance, they must incorporate the virtues and characteristics of the other forms, for none of them fears excessive growth that might lead it to incline towards its closest vice and consequently fall into ruin. For this reason, many ancient and modern thinkers have held the view that the Republics of the Lacedaemonians, Carthaginians, Romans, and other renowned Republics were composed and justly blended from Royal, Aristocratic, and Popular powers. To avoid any confusion or ambiguity, we can say that if authority lies in a single Prince, the Magistracy is a Monarchy, as in Spain, France, Portugal, and (in earlier times) England, Scotland, Sweden, and Poland. If all the people have a share in power, then the State is popular, like in Switzerland, the Grisons, and some free cities of Germany. If only the smallest portion of the people hold power (as in Venice, where it's held by the nobles, and in Genoa, by the twenty-eight families), it is called a Signoria, and the State is Aristocratic, as it was with the Romans, the Athenians, and many other republics that flourished most when they incorporated elements of both popular and aristocratic governance. Although time's injuries and the malice of people may strain the form of any of these governments against its own nature, its essence does not change even if it acquires a different quality.[10]
He praises historical examples like the Roman Republic, which successfully blended these elements to achieve remarkable governance. "Republics that integrate the virtues of multiple systems of government," Medrano affirms, "achieve a balance that guards against the excesses of any single form." For Medrano, power must always be tempered with virtue. He advocates for a governance structure that unites the authority of monarchy, the wisdom of aristocracy, and the equity of timocracy, ensuring that justice, stability, and prosperity endure.[39]
At the core of his doctrinal treatise is a divine precept: just as God's singularity is absolute, so too must governance uphold unity, justice, and moral accountability. Medrano asserts, true leadership requires a reflection of divine virtues. Authority must not be wielded arbitrarily but must align with God's justice, shaping a government that is not only permissible but enduring.[39]
Spain as the Model of the Mixed Republic
Medrano concludes his 16-page prologue by affirming that the Spanish Empire, already governed under this form of government, may serve as a mirror of the past and an example for the future:
Since Heaven has given us such a government, one that can serve as a mirror of the past and an example for the future, and ministers well-suited to both its needs and our welfare, let us live content under this government, and I will share what occurs to me regarding the three points I have proposed. I note that in some parts where it is more fitting to persuade with truth drawn from Sacred Scripture, I include the clause or entire authority in the original Latin language, translating or paraphrasing it afterward into our vernacular.[39]
He notes that this may be somewhat tedious for learned men, who will need to read it twice, but this will not be the case for everyone, and "many esteemed authors have also done this; in fact, it is quite common." Although some modern writers do the opposite, "in many parts of this work, they may find it pleasing. I would wish to please everyone, for if my intent is to serve and benefit the public (which is undoubted)," he was compelled to ensure he does not lose anyone individually.
If, in matters of religion or justice, I include examples from ancient or Gentile times, as well as from Catholic Kings and Princes of our own time, while omitting others equally deserving of mention, it is, first of all, because I believe that recognizing these examples will not detract from the glory we give to those we have never seen, many of whom reside in hell. Secondly, if all worthy examples were to be included in this first treatise, it would be excessively lengthy, and I could not avoid being regarded (by the common people) as a flatterer, a reputation I have always avoided and is evident in my character, for I have valued and continue to value the glory of an age over that of a single day.[39]
Medrano concludes by quoting Seneca with an awareness that, Nec quidquam tam probe aut provide hic dici, quod non vellicare audeat malignitas possit ("there is nothing so well or wisely said here that malice cannot find a way to criticize").[11]
Book one: Religion
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The first book in the first volume of República Mista, which begins on page 17, is focused on the respect and reverence of the Romans for the temples, and the homeland (patria). He uses this chapter to discuss how important it is that princes be religious. He opens the chapter by quoting Aristotle's Epistle 8: Omnium rerum ad ipsos immortales principia ducuntur ("The origin of all things can be traced back to the immortals themselves").[40]
This chapter establishes religion as the cornerstone of governance and societal harmony:
To begin at the true beginning, with the origin and end of all things, God, I will illustrate the importance for Princes to recognize this Supreme Majesty. In obedience and reverence, they must recognize that they, too, are His creatures, subject to His laws and divine will, just like everyone else. For the example of faith that they set becomes a law and a model for their subjects, fostering a society rooted in love and charity. This is the surest path to preserving, expanding, and fortifying the realms and borders of their kingdoms and empires.[40]
In the religion chapter of Republica Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano illustrates that religion is the essential foundation of all civil governance. He draws from natural philosophy to show that everything, from celestial bodies to human societies, follows a divine order, stating: "This entire lower world obeys the higher, governed by it as a secondary cause."[4] Medrano confirms that even the most isolated or undeveloped societies possess "some specific order, arrangement, and agreement... and some awareness of the divine,"[4] noting that no people exist without customs, laws, or spiritual practices. He sees this universal inclination toward religion as evidence of its necessity in human affairs. Citing Plutarch, he writes: "A city might sooner do without the sun... than without some establishment of law or belief that God exists and upholds creation."[41]
He connects divine justice and human governance as inseparable, arguing that "one cannot exist among men without the other." For Medrano, religion precedes and enables laws, obedience, justice, and the cohesion of republics. He praises ancient lawmakers Lycurgus, Numa Pompilius, Solon, and others for instilling reverence for the divine, noting that fear and hope in their religions secured social order and civic duty.[40]
He quotes Aristotle in asserting that religion is natural to mankind and vital to leadership: "It is necessary that the prince... be esteemed as religious... for subjects more easily endure hardship when they believe rulers have the gods on their side." Medrano surveys religious practices across cultures, from Egyptian sacrifices to Phoenician sky worship, to show that "all are moved by religion," quoting Cicero: "They believe that they must diligently worship and uphold the ancestral gods." He also recounts Roman reverence for the divine, quoting Cicero and Virgil to highlight how "piety preserved the republic." In contrast, Medrano laments that when the Athenians, under the influence of skeptics like Protagoras and Diagoras, "began to show contempt for God and His ministers," their republic declined. The rise and fall of states correlate directly with the respect shown to religion and its institutions, warning: "No fault is greater than that of one who does not know God."[1]
Religious Legitimacy and the Moral Foundations of Rule
In Republica Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano codifies that the prosperity (medrar) and stability of monarchies are deeply tied to fidelity to their faith and their reverence for religious authority. He credits the expansion of the Spanish monarchy to the devoutness of its rulers, writing that since they "began to enjoy the special protection of the Holy Apostolic see," they have prospered by "persecuting the enemies of our holy faith." He recounts the story of King Alfonso the Chaste, whose devotion led to divine miracles, such as the appearance of angels crafting a jeweled cross, which affirmed Spain's sanctified imperial mission. In contrast, Medrano attributes the decline of France and England to their betrayal of religious fidelity: "By scorning the Apostolic See, the supreme pontiffs, and the Catholic faith," the English monarchy brought ruin not only to itself but also to Scotland and other allied nations.
He describes the sacredness of religious spaces, citing Theodosius and Valentinian's decree that "those who forcibly remove anyone seeking refuge in the church should be punished with death," affirming that "one should be safer under the protection of religion than under arms."
Throughout, Medrano affirms that true political order rests on respect for divine law, warning against rulers who disguise ambition with false sanctity. "Nothing is more deceptively attractive than false religion," he quotes Livy, "where the divine power of the gods is pretended to cover wickedness." He condemns the use of religion to justify factionalism and civil war, invoking the chaos caused by false prophets and reformers across Europe.[40]
Medrano used historical examples like Numa Pompilius, who instilled fear of God into a warlike people, showing that:
if such a religious prince had not succeeded Romulus, the Roman people would have become uncontrollable and violent.[40]
A prince, he insists, must be:
truthful and perceived as truthful, since no power gained by crime is enduring.
He instructs that rulers may need to practice discretion in politics, but always within bounds: "Nothing must be done against faith, charity, humanity, or religion." According to Medrano, the prince's word, once given, should be as unbreakable as divine law:
His word should be as true, certain, constant, and reliable as the word of God.[30]
Medrano warns that "God despises those who are false and deceitful," and sees the rise of corrupt rulers as divine punishment: "The Holy Spirit will make a hypocrite ruler as punishment for the sins of the people."[4] Ultimately, he teaches that religion is not merely personal but foundational to legitimate rule, and any governance that opposes it is destined to fail.[7]
Oration of the Duke of Savoy
In his Republica Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano, Secretary of State and War to Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy, recounts a powerful oration delivered by the Duke to the people of Thonon and surrounding territories, urging their return to the Catholic faith.
The Duke appeals to religious tradition and loyalty, asking:
"If the lord has the authority to command his vassals, and the vassals are obliged to obey the lord in matters not against God, how much more so in matters that serve Him, glorify Him, and are for your own good and well-being?"[4]
The 11th Duke of Savoy reminds them of their six-hundred-year history under Catholic rule and laments their departure into heresy, "living as heretics, though they claim the name of Christians." Appealing to history, doctrine, and royal duty, he urged his subjects to reject false religions and remain loyal to the Church of Rome, warning that religious division undermines both faith and sovereignty. He invoked ancestral loyalty, the sanctity of the sacraments, and the divine role of Catholic monarchs to defend one God and civil peace:
"There is only one faith, one universal Church, one head, and one shepherd over all Christendom, which is the Roman Pontiff, the successor of Saint Peter. There is one true religion, just as there is only one true God; all else is ruin."[10]
The Duke of Savoy instructed his subjects to turn their eyes "to God and His holy religion, which your ancestors, grandparents, and most of your parents embraced; the same faith that your natural princes and lords have always held without stain, wavering, sin, or disgrace as they never departed from it."
He questioned how he could enter the church or approach the altar of the Lord if he is allied with His enemies:
"Could it be that you, born in my Catholic states, of such ancient and Catholic lineage, would choose to be barred by sacred and civil laws from witnessing, making a will, inheriting, or holding any public office? Will you allow emperors (and I, too, call you) to label you enemies of the truth and allies of death, for your deeds are against it, filled with disgrace and sorcery, covered in illusions by which you fabricate lies, wage war against the innocent, and rob the faithful of light?"[7]
He questions why his subjects continue to ignore how their ministers, under a cloak of false piety, pollute everything, "leaving wounds in the consciences of the innocent, obscuring the light of the sun for those who are captivated by novelty?" He asks his subjects to pity themselves, their souls, those of their children and descendants. He asks his subjects to remember the peace and rest they once enjoyed, and recognize that they must follow and hold to the religion taught to them by the Prince of the Apostles and by the other vicars of Christ.
The Duke of Savoy concludes by stating that if their beliefs were born of genuine zeal, and not of malice and manifest error, as has been condemned by General Councils, they would not view their Catholic kings and princes, and their own lords in particular, as ignorant of salvation:
"Your wickedness is evident. My intentions are clear and good. My profession and religion, which is Catholic, are true and certain. Whoever wishes to follow it and have me as his lord and not his enemy must now demonstrate his devotion publicly, embracing God and His Church, for I wish to have no part with those who do not belong to her."[7]
With this declaration, the 11th Duke of Savoy aligned his rule with divine order, asserting that those who abandon the Catholic faith ally themselves with disorder, sedition, and spiritual death. His words sparked widespread repentance, restoring allegiance among towns, nobles, and clerics across the region.[4] The oration denounces sectarianism and warns of the civil disorder it causes, citing examples such as Münster, La Rochelle, and Geneva, which became "fortresses of the devil" within Christendom.[11]
Tomás Fernández de Medrano, personally witnessing the Duke's oration, affirms its transformative power:
This had such an impact on the minds of everyone that all begged for mercy.[11]
He praises the Duke's personal piety, military rituals, and protection of religious institutions, presenting him as a Catholic ruler who embodies Cicero's maxim: "In every republic, the first care is for divine matters."[10]
In República Mista, the Duke's oration stands as an enactment of doctrine. It illustrates the Medrano precept that true sovereignty cannot exist without unity of faith, and that civil disorder always follows spiritual rebellion. The ruler, therefore, must act as a defender of the church (defensor fidei). The Duke's oration is a historic example of how protecting his subjects from heresy brought them back to God, and that to govern rightly is to do so under the authority of divine order over secular neutrality.[1]
Religious Order and the Threat of Sectarian Sedition
In República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano presents the defense of Catholic religion not only as a spiritual necessity, but as a cornerstone of stability in the republic. Among the most serious threats to the health of a republic, he confirms, are not only external wars but internal seditions that disguise themselves in the form of religious zeal. When princes fail to uphold the true faith with vigilance and reverence, they leave space for sectarian movements to arise. These movements frequently shelter individuals who are fugitives from justice, political opportunists, or enemies of lawful order.
Citing Aristotle's Politics, Medrano writes:
"Fear breeds seditions, for as many commit crimes to avoid punishment as do so to strike first before others strike them." (Et metus seditiones movent, tam enim qui fecerunt iniurias metuentes poenam, quam ii qui infens expectant, praevenire volentes, priusquam ea inferatur.)[11]
According to Medrano, many such factions form under a pretense of persecution. They use religious justification to mask personal ambition or resentment. These groups often organize around a single charismatic leader, frequently one of humble or illegitimate origin. United in defiance of lawful authority, they seize towns or fortresses and proclaim rival republics built upon rebellion.
He identifies the Anabaptist seizure of Münster as a prime example, describing the great effort undertaken by Emperor Charles V and the ecclesiastical princes to suppress what he regarded as a heretical regime. He adds the examples of La Rochelle and Montauban in France, which fell under the control of the Huguenots, and Geneva under the Calvinists. He considers all of these cities to be fortresses of error, where rebellion and disorder persisted against rightful monarchy.
Medrano warns that wherever the Catholic religion is not upheld with strength and reverence, destructive doctrines will take root. A prince who neglects the true faith cannot expect to retain real authority, as sectarian factions will eventually challenge his sovereignty and limit his power.
A prince can be certain that if the Catholic religion is not protected and cherished as it should be in his dominion, it will be all too easy for another to take its place. And once another religion has taken hold, he cannot freely call himself lord of that province, for he will remain dependent on it all his life.[11]
From such disorder follows licentiousness, impiety, and division. These forces gradually undermine the body politic. For Medrano, no republic can endure without religion, and no military power can remain strong if the soul of the nation is weak. Religion and law must remain united if political order is to be sustained:
If an empire lacks a strong religion, it is impossible for it to be powerful in arms. Without these two things, it must fall. But if they remain united, as they do in this Monarchy, then it will live and stand for a thousand ages.[11]
This duty of preserving religious and political unity belongs above all to the sovereign.
"Who does this duty belong to more than the prince? It is fitting that what is best be honored by the best, and that what rules be served by the ruler." (Ad quem autem ea potius quam ad Principem pertinet? Decet enim quod optimum est, ab optimo coli, quod imperat, ab imperante.)[11]
Medrano concludes by affirming the enduring legitimacy of the Catholic faith. He contrasts its divine origin and spiritual fruitfulness with the false religions of apostates and pagans, which endure only through ignorance or rebellion:
If the false religions of apostates and pagans could sustain themselves for so long, and still persist in some places as good religions in the eyes of the ignorant and the blind, what hope can we not place in our true religion? It pleases and delights our God, from whom it originates, and to whom we owe our being, preservation, and the abundance of goods He so generously provides to both the good and the bad.[11]
Piety, superstition, and the power of belief
In Republica Mista, dedicated to the 1st Duke of Lerma, Tomás Fernández de Medrano, contrasts genuine religious devotion with the dangers of superstition and false belief. He praises figures like Francisco de Sandoval, Duke of Lerma, who, despite his immense power, invested in sacred architecture and remained mindful of mortality.
Medrano also highlights the zeal of Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy, who instructed him to prioritize any matter that served both God and the king. Their unity, Medrano confirms, exemplify the ideal union of power and piety. When advised to act militarily against foreign alliances, Savoy replied that Spain's strength lay in having "a very Catholic king, a true friend of God," whose faith alone could secure divine protection.
He uses historical examples, from the Hebrews who defied Emperor Caligula, to Christian martyrs, and even pagan figures like Calanus the Indian philosopher, to show the enduring strength of belief. Even misguided religions, he insists, have inspired profound sacrifice: "Nothing rules the masses more effectively than superstition," he quotes Quintus Curtius, warning that uneducated people are particularly vulnerable to false wonders and omens.
For Medrano, true religion must be distinguished from superstition and astrology, which he condemns as deceitful distractions. Superstition, he says, is "empty appearance and false imagination," and leads people away from divine truth. He denounces judicial astrologers for misleading the public, undermining reason and faith alike. Citing Pico della Mirandola, Aquinas, and Varro, he warns that only through proper reverence and obedience to divine law can virtue, faith, and courage be sustained.[4]
Patria
The concept of Patria (love and duty to one's Fatherland) is not an abstract idea by Tomás Fernández de Medrano in his República Mista, rather it was lived by Spain and his ancestors as doctrine. The town of Medrano, La Rioja, derives not only its name but its arms from the noble House of Medrano. The heraldic motto: "To die for Faith, King, and Patria is glorious," reflects the enduring legacy of the doctrine upheld in Spain, embedded in the municipality's civic identity since its first recorded donation in 1044.[43]
In the Religion chapter of República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano codifies Patria (love and service to one's homeland) as a sacred duty, rooted in natural affection, divine law, and moral conscience.[11]
Drawing on ancient and biblical examples, he declares that:
Every person is obligated to serve and aid the public good... for within its welfare lie the life, honor, and prosperity of each individual.[44]
Medrano recounts the story of Nehemiah, who was moved to tears upon hearing of Jerusalem's desolation and was granted royal support to rebuild his city. He cites Cicero, who said: "All affections are encompassed in our homeland, for which any noble person would seek death if it would be beneficial."
Examples such as Cato the Younger, who resisted unjust laws and rejected political alliances that compromised the Republic, show that true loyalty lies in justice and conscience: "Our conscience and the immortal gods are given to us, and they cannot be separated from us."
The chapter continues with patriotic acts across history: El Cid, despite exile, served Castile with valor; Juan Mendez of Évora opposed unjust taxation and was later vindicated by the king; and Lycurgus bound Sparta to his laws even after death. Medrano also recalls Codrus, who gave his life to ensure Athens' survival, asserting that "to die for virtue is no death at all."
He praises Spain's Catholic monarchs for defending the faith, founding churches, and extending the Gospel to distant lands. In particular, he honors Philip III for upholding the Inquisition as a "mighty shield and sacred institution." Medrano concludes that the strength of a kingdom depends on its moral and spiritual foundations, quoting Seneca: "Where there is no regard for law, holiness, piety, and faith, the kingdom is unstable."
Ultimately, he codifies good governance with religious precepts, instructing rulers to embody truth and virtue to earn the people's trust and God's favor, as only He bestows and withdraws power: "The Lord changes the times and seasons; He raises and deposes kings," quoting Daniel 4.[4]
Book two: Obedience
Introduction to the second book in volume one of the República Mista
Before the second book of the República Mista, Medrano begins with an introduction on obedience, and a meditation on the necessity of obedience for both spiritual life and civil harmony. Medrano opens by quoting Seneca: "Our minds, like noble and generous horses, are better governed with a light rein." He asserts that if even the ancient Persians taught their children to "love, obey, and revere their princes and magistrates," then Christians should not neglect what even pagans held as sacred.
He teaches that the strength of the Roman Republic rested on this precept, and that Christians, called to serve and revere God, must likewise obey their earthly rulers. Obedience to Kings, Councils, and Magistrates, he writes, flows naturally from the teachings of the fourth commandment and should be instilled from the earliest age. Medrano affirms this doctrine is deeply rooted in tradition and that it serves both as a reminder to the wise and a guide to the unknowing. He closes the introduction with a pointed reflection:
To give counsel to a fool is an act of charity; to give it to the wise, one of honor; but to offer it in times of depravity, an act of wisdom.
Obedience to Princes and Magistrates
The second book in the first volume of the República Mista, which begins on page 69, codifies the importance of obedience to princes and magistrates as a safeguard against disorder and rebellion. Medrano states:
If knowing how to govern well is the most effective preventative against corruption, then knowing how to obey well which is crucial among the people, is of even greater importance. Where obedience is lacking, order is lost, and disorder takes its place. The most important and advantageous quality that has been preserved in these kingdoms is the high regard we have always held for councils, magistrates, ministers, judges, and public officials, recognizing them as men placed there by the hand of God. For this reason, we honor and respect them as representatives of divine rule over all creatures. Just as the Almighty in His glory has created an order among beings (setting some to serve and others to govern) and placed certain stars in the heavens to shine more brightly than others, as a symbol of His divinity, with the Sun itself illuminating, warming, and nurturing all things on earth for humanity's use, so too He wished that the supreme councils and magistrates in cities, provinces, and kingdoms would shine by virtue of their excellence.[45]
Quoting Erasmus, Medrano affirms: "To command and to obey are two things that keep sedition away from citizens and ensure concord." He compares a well-ordered kingdom to a body where the ruler is the head and the law its soul, insisting that "where obedience is lacking, order is lost, and disorder takes its place."
Medrano recounts that Sparta's success was not due to the wisdom of its rulers, but because "the citizens knew how to obey." He declares that Spanish unity and prosperity result from a careful balance of powers, ensuring that neither nobility or commoners dominate, sustained by reverence for public officials as "men placed there by the hand of God."
He declares that kings must be honored as God's representatives, with respect extended also to their ministers and councils. "This authority," he writes, "is the true source of their greatness," achieved by honoring the king and the realm.
Drawing heavily on sacred Scripture, Medrano cites Romans 13, Titus 3, and 1 Peter 2, reinforcing that "there is no power but from God," and that resisting rulers is resisting divine order. Subjects must obey not out of fear alone, but "for conscience' sake." As Tacitus writes, "There can be no peace without arms, no arms without pay, and no pay without taxes." He adds, "Render tribute to whom tribute is due... honor to whom honor."
Medrano also reflects on the burdens of rulership, writing: "While we sleep, they remain vigilant... they carry the weight of countless souls under their dominion." He quotes Seleucus: "If one truly knew the weight of a scepter, they would not have the courage to pick it up."
He condemns slandering magistrates, stating that "no one should judge the actions of Councillors... but the Prince himself," and praises emperors like Augustus and Vespasian for the honors they showed to senators. Vespasian declared: "I can respond to the injuries they commit, but [subjects] are not allowed to speak ill of them." He asserts that obedience, respect, and prayer for rulers are not only civic duties but sacred obligations that sustain both peace and divine order.
Ministers, Obedience, and Counsel
Medrano expands the precept of obedience to include reverence for the ministers and servants of kings, particularly those close to court. He affirms the high dignity historically granted to officers such as the Reyes de Armas (Kings of Arms), describing their role as "a profession akin to the heroic," with privileges dating back to Bacchus, Alexander the Great, Augustus, and Charlemagne. These included safe passage, exemption from common duties, the authority to judge dishonor, and the honor of wearing royal insignia. Such prerogatives, he writes, show that even humble servants of the king "are invested with mysteries," and should be respected accordingly. Medrano observes:
In my view, both the counselor and the realm will be fortunate when such a servant and confidant possesses qualities worthy of the royal station they serve, especially when their innate nobility and virtues align with the dignity required for such a role. Where noble lineage and habit join with noble actions, there can be no doubt of their merit. And when this is accompanied by piety, goodness, and holiness—as we see, experience, and witness in our time—such virtue indeed stands as a model worthy of our admiration and emulation, does it not?[10]
Medrano cautions private individuals against interfering in public governance, stating that reform must come through proper authority. "No public display should be made," he writes, advising that concerns be directed to lawful superiors. Those who carry out the will of the prince, he says, "are his hands," and as such, are owed honor and obedience.
Quoting Plautus, "What a king does should be considered honorable; it is the duty of subjects to obey," he defends rulers against misjudgment by the ignorant, stating that "what is done piously by the good is often judged as cruelty by the wicked." Empire, he writes, brings envy and misunderstanding, and "the reward... is to be maligned." Yet true rulers focus on justice and the common good, trusting that over time, their deeds will be recognized.
He contrasts the harsh Locrian law, where lawmakers faced execution for failed proposals, with Mecenas's advice to Augustus: "Praise and honor those who offer sound counsel... but neither disgrace nor accuse those who err." Moderation and prudence, Medrano insists, are essential in courtly matters.
He praises those counselors who temper princes' passions and offer discreet, virtuous guidance. "No wise and great prince has ever lacked a trusted confidant," he writes, naming Calisthenes, Panaetius, and others who brought wisdom and glory to their rulers. When such figures possess noble lineage, wisdom, and piety, they serve as "a model worthy of admiration and emulation." This understanding of obedience and royal council served as a justification for the valido in Habsburg Spain.[46]
Types of Authority and the Dangers of Flattery
In República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano distinguishes between two types of authority: one supreme, answerable only to God, and the other subordinate and bound by law, exercised by magistrates for a limited time under royal commission. The supreme prince, he writes, "acknowledges none greater than himself (after God)," and magistrates derive their authority from him and remain subject to his laws.
Medrano affirms that individuals must obey these powers in all matters not contrary to divine or natural law, even when commands seem unjust: "They should not judge their judges." The supreme magistrate is likened to "a father to the kingdom," tasked with maintaining peace, justice, and the common good.
He warns, however, of the widespread aversion to tyrants and the ease with which rulers who lack visible virtue may fall into contempt. Yet Scripture teaches obedience even to corrupt rulers, as they act as "instruments of [God's] wrath, punishing the people's wickedness." He quotes, "When God is angered, the people receive such a ruler as they deserve for their sins."
Citing Tacitus and Augustine, Medrano illustrates how power can corrupt even the seemingly virtuous. Tiberius, Nero, and Galba are presented as cautionary examples, men who ruled poorly despite early promise. "Things feigned cannot last long," Augustine warns.
Flattery, more than open enemies, is seen as the chief corrupter of rulers. Those "who make it a habit to praise all things in their rulers, be they virtuous or vicious," erode truth and judgment. Tiberius lamented: "Oh, men prepared for servitude!" Medrano recounts how Caesar, influenced by a flatterer, "came to a miserable end."
He writes: "Flattery has overthrown more than the enemy," criticizing courtiers who, instead of offering honest counsel, enable a prince's whims to serve their own gain.
Obedience to rulers, just or unjust
In República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano confirms that obedience and reverence are due to all rulers, whether just or unjust. "Let the good not be scandalized to see the wicked exalted," he writes, asserting that the rise and fall of kings is governed by divine providence. Drawing on Daniel 4, he declares: "The Most High is sovereign over the kingdoms of men... and sets over them the lowliest of men," emphasizing that even seemingly unworthy rulers are chosen by God for a purpose.
Medrano cites the example of Nebuchadnezzar, whom God rewarded with Egypt despite his tyranny, and King Amasis of Egypt, who overcame public contempt for his humble origins through strength and wisdom. From 1 Samuel 8 to Jeremiah 27, Medrano presents biblical scripture for unconditional obedience: "I have handed over all these lands to my servant Nebuchadnezzar... all nations will serve him." He instructs subjects to trust that God raises kings not only to reward the good but also to punish the wicked.
He praises the historical patience of Christians under pagan and heretical rulers such as Nero, Julian the Apostate, and Diocletian, using their peaceable endurance as an example. Even David refused to harm King Saul, affirming: "Who can lay a hand upon the Lord's anointed and be guiltless?" Medrano cites both religious and legal prohibitions against cursing rulers, warning that murmuring against authority invites divine judgment.
The duty of a good subject, he insists, is to remain "humble, gracious, obedient, and devout," without aspiring beyond their station. Those who suffer under harsh rule should interpret it as a correction from God: "I will give you a king in my anger" (Hosea), and endure it with prayer and patience, trusting that "He who wounds also heals."
The Eight Regalia and Limits of Public Judgment
Medrano explains that rulers hold Regalia, symbols of sovereign authority which entitle them to create and enforce laws over all subjects. These Regalia are expressed through eight primary points, which, when properly observed in practice, ensure public obedience and preserve the order and stability of the realm.[30]
In República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano codifies eight Regalia that define sovereign power:
- To create and repeal laws
- To declare war or establish peace
- To act as the highest court of appeal
- To appoint and remove high officials
- To levy and collect taxes and public contributions
- To grant pardons and dispensations
- To set or alter currency and its value
- To require unconditional oaths of loyalty
He affirms that rulers may exercise these powers directly or through delegated ministers and must not be disrespected, even when their administration is imperfect. Their authority, Medrano states, is divinely instituted and must be regarded as sacred:
Established by God through countless decrees and testimonies, this authority ought to be respected and held as a source of majesty.[30]
Subjects, he instructs, should not scheme against their superiors or question their actions. Public calamities, such as famine, plague, or war, should not be attributed to rulers without clear evidence. "One is not to be condemned if their thoughts are not laid bare," he quotes, warning against judging secret intentions or mistaking natural events for political failure.
Royal Virtue and the Nature of Public Speech
Medrano reaffirms that discretion, obedience, and reverence are owed not only in action but in speech and silence. Drawing on the example of Otho, he writes: "Tam nescire quædam milites, quam facere oportet"–"It is as necessary for soldiers to be ignorant of certain things as it is for them to carry out their duties." Just as commanders do not divulge all plans to their soldiers, who face constant danger, private citizens, even less so, should seek to uncover the secret intentions of princes.
Echoing Seneca's wisdom, "Qui plus scire velle quam satis sit; intemperantiæ genus est" ("To wish to know more than is sufficient is a kind of excess"), Medrano confirms that excessive curiosity disrupts peace and loyalty. Silence and obedience are therefore "powerful means of attaining peace," reminding subjects that this world is not their final home, therefore:
The loyalty and silence of subjects toward their king and rightful lord, and toward his councils and magistrates, are crucial virtues within the populace and powerful means of attaining some peace in this life. This peace reminds us that it is not our permanent home nor our final destination and is best suited to remind us that we live and journey toward an eternal life, not this fleeting, mortal, and transitory one.[47]
In República Mista, Medrano contemplates the mortality of even the greatest monarchies, emphasizing the need for prayer and moral vigilance. Within this reflection, he elevates Philip III of Spain as a living embodiment of Christian kingship, whose reign aligns with divine order and the spiritual duties of sovereign rule.
Medrano presents Philip as a king whose holiness is evident in his adherence to divine law and his appointment of virtuous and devout magistrates. His valor, though not expressed through personal combat, is manifest in his strategic leadership, having assembled a powerful fleet and army that defended the realm without bloodshed. His magnanimity is marked by clemency toward those he might have punished, fulfilling the counsel of Saint Isidore, who taught that just rulers must know when to defer judgment in favor of mercy.
Justice, too, defines his reign, as Philip personally traversed his dominions to hear and resolve the grievances of his subjects. His prudence is demonstrated by a voluntary retreat from the distractions of the hunt and the pursuit of military glory, choosing instead a path of stable and attentive governance. Finally, Medrano praises the king's compassion, particularly in his refusal to wage war against the French despite political opportunity, an act inspired by the counsel of Pope Clement VIII and rooted in the conviction that power must never corrupt the gentle spirit.
Through this portrait, Medrano casts Philip III not merely as a political figure, but as an exemplar of sacred monarchy, whose virtues affirm the doctrinal and moral precepts articulated throughout the first volume of the República Mista.
Virtuous rulers and obedient subjects
Tacitus' wisdom, "Semper alicui potentium invisus, non culpa, sed ut flagitiorum impatiens" ("He who is hated by the powerful is not guilty, but impatient of their crimes"), guides Medrano's counsel: those who cannot tolerate injustice may find themselves resented at court and should avoid its intrigues for a more peaceful life. "It is very dangerous to skin a lion."
He lauds princes who, like Alexander the Great, refused to punish those who insulted them, choosing to live virtuously and correct falsehood with example. "Posterity, and a glorious remembrance of oneself, well deserved," Tacitus wrote, Medrano holds this as the supreme goal of princely rule.
He cites Emperor Theodosius, who refused to punish those who insulted the government, urging compassion even toward malice, and commanding that no judge act unless ordered by the emperor himself. As Lipsius warned, "Not all rulers are Alexanders." Yet the best defense against criticism is to give the people no reason to murmur. "The one who disregards fame clearly values virtue lightly."
He quotes Solomon: "Nomen impiorum putrescet (The name of the wicked will rot.)" Writers may not harm rulers in life, but they tarnish them in memory. Medrano concludes with Tacitus:
False honor helps, and false infamy terrifies. Believe us to be just as our reputation is.
Ultimately, Medrano codifies theological and philosophical precepts to provide a doctrine grounded in obedience that is divinely ordained, as the law itself flows from the unity of God.[10]
Book three: justice
The third book in the first volume of the República Mista, which begins on page 111, titled On the Third Point of the Roman Ambassador, codifies the fundamental role of justice in sustaining a republic. Medrano opens with Erasmus' maxim, "Respublica, duabus rebus continetur praemio, poena"–"A republic is held together by two things: reward and punishment." Medrano begins his third chapter as follow:
I shall treat here of that element, rule, commandment, law, and particular custom, that enabled the Romans to govern their republic effectively for so long. I align myself with justice, for it seems to me that justice is the force at the heart of this accomplishment.[10]
Medrano praises justice as the queen of virtues, referencing Cicero:
Justice is the mistress and queen of virtues, the foundation of enduring honor and fame, without which nothing can be praiseworthy.[48]
Justice, Medrano affirms, is both divine and societal: the "bond of human society" and the precept that distinguishes good from evil. Without it, confusion and vice prevail: "To reward evil in place of good, to oppress the good without punishing the wicked, this is to confuse vice with virtue." Justice, he writes, reveals "the distinction between the good and the bad," serving as both divine law and the "bond of human society."
Drawing on classical authorities, he defines justice as inseparable from wisdom. Plato teaches that no state can endure without justice and divine counsel. Aristotle calls it a "general virtue," containing all others, and Solomon asks God for wisdom alone, recognizing that "there can be no justice without prudence." Medrano calls prudence "a firm pillar, strong foundation, and sure guide of all a prince's enterprises."
Justice requires temperance, courage, and charity. A just ruler must resist ambition and passion, and defend the oppressed even at personal cost. "Justice instills strength and courage," allowing the ruler to approach "the divine nature." Medrano insists that faith depends on justice, warning that without it, power is reduced to mere force. He condemns those political theorists who advocate: "Neglect all that is right and good so long as it may grow their power."
Medrano draws on Cicero again to define justice as "the constant and perpetual will to give each their due." It is the duty of princes, magistrates, and counselors to uphold this precept impartially. Diogenes called justice the source of "peace and perpetual happiness," while Hesiod described it as a "chaste, venerable virgin," and Pindar as "the queen of the world." Pythagoras, more enigmatically, wrote: "The balance never tips."
For Medrano, justice must transcend kinship, wealth, or personal benefit. Citing Plato, he writes:
As Plato advises, we should make no distinction among men for friendship, kinship, wealth, or dignity. This virtue requires that we set aside personal pleasures and private benefits to embrace the public good, even if it be to our detriment, and it teaches that those who govern well prohibit anything doubtful, whether it is just or not. For equity is by nature so clear and resplendent that where doubt exists, we can be assured that injustice is near.[30]
Forms of Justice
Medrano follows classical philosophers in dividing justice into two principal forms:
- Distributive justice: Distributive justice consists in "granting each their due, honor, dignity, or punishment," particularly relevant to governance.
- Commutative justice: Commutative justice, by contrast, regulates fair dealings between individuals, grounded in the maxim: "Do not do unto others what you would not wish done unto you" (Quod tibi non vis, alteri ne feceris).
Medrano differentiates between distributive and commutative justice, the former concerning the allocation of honor or punishment, and the latter governing fairness in contracts and exchanges. Justice is portrayed as the "mother of virtues," nourishing temperance, moderation, courage, and wisdom.
He calls attention to scriptural commands for justice, such as Jeremiah's exhortation: "Facite iudicium et iustitiam. Et liberate oppressum de manu calumniatoris, advenam et pupillum, viduam nolite contristare neque opprimatis inique, et sanguinem innocentem ne effundatis in loco isto: Render justice and righteousness; deliver the oppressed from the hand of the oppressor, and do not wrong or oppress the foreigner, the orphan, or the widow, nor shed innocent blood in this place (Jeremiah 23)."[7]
Benefits of justice
Justice, he confirms, exists to preserve human society. It is "guardian of the laws, defender of the good, mortal enemy of the wicked," and so essential to civilization that even criminals must rely on it in part. Medrano quotes Cicero: "Even pirates and highway robbers could not exist without some part of it."
Drawing on Pythagorean thought, Medrano states that justice should be "regarded as the mother from whose breast all other virtues are nourished," as no one could be temperate, moderate, courageous, or wise without it.
He presents justice as a reflection of divine providence: "governing the world and ruling over all things." Its influence extends to every domain, he writes:
In cities, justice is equity and peace; in households, it is the harmony between husband and wife; between masters and servants, it is goodwill; in the body, it is health and the perfection of each part.[1]
For Medrano, justice is not only foundational to republics, but to all relationships, virtues, and divine order.
Justice and the Republic
Tomás Fernández de Medrano explores justice as the sustaining force of a republic, the precept that binds society together through reward and punishment. Drawing from classical authorities, Plato, Aristotle, Isidore, Solomon, Medrano presents justice as inseparable from wisdom and prudence, without which no kingdom or republic can be stable. "There can be no justice without prudence," he echoes, underscoring that wise governance begins with self-governance.
He emphasizes temperance and courage as supports to justice, stating it helps moderate passions such as ambition, anger, and avarice. Medrano ties justice to faith itself, warning that if not upheld, "faith would lose its legitimacy," and power would become a prize for the most unscrupulous. He denounces power-centric political theories: "They neglect all that is right and good so long as it may grow their power."
Quoting Cicero again, he defines justice as: "Iustitia est constans, perpetua voluntas ius suum unicuique tribuens"–"Justice is the constant and perpetual will to give each their due." True princes, he writes, are those who do good to all under their care and harm no one.
Reverence for justice
The ancients' reverence for justice is showcased in stories of Egyptian judges depicted blindfolded and handless, symbols of impartiality, and of Trajan, who told a governor, "Use this sword for me if I rule justly, and against me if I do not." Medrano rebukes skepticism toward Spanish heritage and traditions, such as the legacy of Apostle James or the deeds of El Cid, as impious and divisive.
Justice, he writes, must be free of personal bias, and magistrates must resist favoritism or vengeance. Examples from antiquity, Aristides the Just, Pope Sixtus V, and Emperor Hadrian represent rulers who prioritized truth over grudge, and mercy over retribution.
He praises princes who rise above resentment, noting, "To refrain from doing good when able is to surrender one's virtue." Anger, he says, destroys sound judgment: "Where there is anger, nothing is done rightly."
Historical exemplars, Scipio Africanus, Philip of Macedonia, Vespasian, and Alexander Severus are cited for their dedication to fair judgment, humility, and even humor in justice. Medrano illustrates how these figures used their authority to defend integrity, rather than inflate it.
He references a lesson from Sparta: "The republic thrived under laws and magistrates who upheld them." True greatness, Medrano asserts, lies not in titles but in virtue, and justice remains the defining mark of legitimate rule.
Justice, nobility, and the ruin of Republics through corruption
Medrano expounds upon the inseparable relationship between justice, noble virtue, and the preservation of republics. Law, he teaches, is the very "rule of justice," and justice its purpose. Without it, states decay: "The law is the soul of the republic, the blood that gives it life, and the rule that sustains the state." A republic nears ruin when "those condemned by law are pardoned, and judgments are reversed."
Medrano provides historical examples, from the downfall of Philip of Macedonia and the exile of Demetrius, to the deposition of the Swedish king Henry, as evidence that denial of justice breeds discord, abandonment, and collapse. In contrast, acts of humility and fairness, such as King Philip III requesting permission from a baker to pass through his home, exemplify the sanctity of justice and sacred kingship.
He warns that appointing unworthy individuals, particularly through the sale of offices, invites divine wrath and civil decline. "The fault lies with rulers who... place corrupt judges over the faithful," he writes, echoing the Sorbonne's admonition to King Francis II, denouncing the sale of ecclesiastical and secular offices as a betrayal of virtue and a root of religious schism.
Quoting both Titelman and a celebrated philosopher, Medrano laments that in his day, nobility is prized above merit:
Even the ignorant and the depraved [are considered] suitable for every office, whether civil or ecclesiastical... a misfortune within the Holy Church... that no amount of tears could rightly mourn.[49]
Medrano defends true nobility as rooted in virtue, not lineage alone: to honor the corrupt sons of noble fathers is to shame the ancestors themselves. He invokes the words of Mattathias: "Be zealous for the law and give your lives for the testament of your fathers," reminding nobles of their duty to emulate their forebears:
If there is anything good in nobility, it is that it places a certain necessity upon nobles to imitate their predecessors.[30]
For Medrano, it is essential that princes honor virtue in both nobility and commoners, appointing those with merit, not wealth or flattery. To do otherwise, he warns, is to provoke the wrath of the loyal and suffer "great losses in matters of importance." He praises contemporary Spain as a model, where "distinguished and grave personages... occupy the offices" and uphold the republic through virtue and example.
Quoting the Partidas, he writes: "To know how to use nobility is a clear union of virtues... kings should greatly honor [knights and nobles], as those with whom they are to accomplish their work."
Rejecting favoritism and courtly corruption, Medrano offers examples of just rulers such as Trajan, Augustus, Pope Sixtus V, and Philip III, who all practiced restraint, impartiality, and forgiveness. He condemns nepotism, flattery, and the elevation of the unworthy, urging princes to recognize merit and safeguard justice as the foundation of their rule. "The reputation of the lord," he reminds, "grows from the nobility of those who serve him."[37]
On the nobility of merit and the just distribution of honors
Tomás Fernández de Medrano turns his attention to the relationship between nobility, virtue, and justice. He declares that noble birth alone does not warrant honor; rather:
He who acts contrary to his lineage... ought not to be honored and favored by the Prince simply because he was born of good lineage, but instead punished for having dishonored it.[10]
Those who live without virtue stain their ancestral name and should be overlooked in favor of humble but valiant individuals who strive to emulate noble ideals through personal merit.
Medrano invokes the examples of Hannibal, who declared that any soldier who proved himself would be counted as Carthaginian, and the Duke of Savoy, who often rewarded poor soldiers over aristocrats. As Medrano notes, "He who serves should be rewarded, and he who has served the most should be rewarded the most." The value of personal deeds, he insists, outweighs inherited glories: "Just as one's present sins may be compounded by those of the past... so too can one's deeds accumulate honor or disgrace."
While acknowledging that princes may, in some cases, elevate individuals without visible merit, Medrano stresses that such appointments should be guided by divine providence:
What we perceive as favoritism... may actually be the means by which God's will is achieved.[10]
He instructs rulers to be mindful of the traditions, integrity, and capabilities of noble houses, citing Pope Gregory XIII's secret efforts to sustain Rome's ancient families and Augustus Caesar's financial support for the heir of Hortensius as examples of preserving honor through benevolence.
Medrano also warns against awarding honors as political favors or selling public offices. Such practices led to the downfall of states like Sparta and contributed to France's instability under Henry III. Instead, he advocates for a "symmetry" within the republic, a just distribution of responsibilities and honors according to proportion and merit. Quoting Ecclesiastes, he issues a grave warning: "A kingdom is transferred from one people to another due to injustice, injuries, offenses, and deceitful dealings."
Clemency, justice, and the moral example of princes
In the closing passages of República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano reflects on the delicate balance between clemency and justice in governance. While he affirms that "gentleness and clemency are virtues worthy of a noble and magnanimous spirit," he cautions that these virtues must not be exercised to the detriment of the republic. "That state of the republic is most desirable and stable," he quotes Polybius, "in which, privately, all live uprightly and harmlessly, and publicly, justice and clemency prevail."
Medrano teaches rulers why they must inspire both love and fear, "love among the people, fear among enemies" and govern with dignity tempered by accessibility. He draws on Isocrates, who advised severity in investigations and mercy in sentencing, and emphasizes the importance of example: "We need more example than command."
The ruler's conduct, he asserts, shapes the soul of the republic. Kings and magistrates should imitate God's goodness, for:
Reges vitam subditorum facile exemplis suis, vel edificant, vel subuertunt; ideoque Principem non oportet delinquere ne formam peccati faciat (Kings easily either uplift or undermine the lives of their subjects by their example; thus, it does not befit a prince to commit sins, lest he create a model of sin). Nam Rex qui ruit in vitiis, cito Deum offendit erroris (For a king who falls into vice soon draws God's anger for his error). As is written of Jeroboam, qui peccauit, peccare fecit Israel (who sinned, and caused Israel to sin).[30]
Public virtue, Medrano insists, is more instructive than law alone: "Devotion to the prince and the desire to emulate him are more powerful than any punishment prescribed by law."
He instructs that rulers should be models of temperance and morality, resisting the urge to impose reforms through decrees alone. "If the king desires what is honorable, everyone will desire the same," he writes, noting that Constantine converted many through example, just as Henry VIII led England into schism through his conduct.
Medrano warns that the vices of rulers are more harmful than those of private citizens, as they "infuse them into the state, and they harm more by example than by their actual sins." He praises rulers who restrain their excesses, citing Diogenes, Augustus, and Pope Sixtus V as models of self-restraint and moral discipline.
Conclusion
Medrano states that the establishment of the kingdom, the public good, and the sacred and divine order require subjection and obedience to superiors, who are legitimately chosen to govern, teach, and judge. Accordingly, each person ought to follow his calling with the obedience and dedication proper to his obligations:
For if kings, councils, and magistrates are on earth an image of God, then they too must strive to imitate His goodness, perfection, and justice, as our own rulers do as much as their strengths allow, to lead through example (which is the most powerful influence) toward true piety and virtue for those under their charge. Just as the heart in an animal's body is always the last part to succumb to corruption, holding the final remnants of life, it is fitting that when some illness begins to corrupt the people, the prince and magistrates remain pure and untainted to the end.
Medrano states that philosophers attributed the ills of the soul to the weaknesses and perverse inclinations of the body, while human well-being rested upon the body as its foundation. He further maintained that it would be contrary to nature for bodily ills to derive from the soul or for a person's virtues to be corrupted by the vices of the spirit.
Medrano quotes an ancient writer, whom he does not cite directly, saying:
As one ancient writer said, "a prince should serve the same God, observe the same law, and fear the same death as his subjects. For in the end, all things of this world pass away, consumed by the flow of time, and when they reach their peak, their greatness and state come to an end. The Creator has set this law, so that men do not become arrogant, believing their kingdoms to be eternal, and thus realize that they are made of matter subject to celestial and incorruptible causes."[50]
He affirms that this is clearly seen in empire. Medrano offers a reflection on the endurance of empires, "which, though they reach their peak of perfection, inevitably decline and weaken over time."
Sæpe impotentia regum, quia quod non potest, vult posse (Often the weakness of kings lies in their desire to achieve what is beyond their power). Many times, due to their impotence, kings wish to do what they cannot, which ultimately brings them ruin, either by internal discord or external force. No empire, kingdom, or republic, however well-ordered, can avoid such a fate, as its strength wanes with time. Hence, to preserve a state, it is essential to guide public affairs toward their foundational precepts, employing the same means with which they were established. For Disciplina maiorum rempublicam tenet, quæ si dilabatur, et nomen Hispanum, Imperium amittemus (The discipline of our ancestors sustains the republic, which, if it dissolves, and we lose the Spanish name, we will also lose the empire.)[11]
He praises the governance of Philip III, asserting that the flourishing (medrar) of the monarchy rests upon virtuous rulers, obedient subjects, the administration of justice, and the preservation of the Catholic faith:
If all successors were as virtuous as the original founders, and if they held the same careful vigilance that our current kings, especially the present one, exercise over the expansion and preservation of the Catholic faith, and if their subjects demonstrated the obedience and reverence we now see, with ministers administering justice well, and with military discipline flourishing Ex cuius sinu omnes triumphi manarunt (From whose bosom all triumphs have flowed) as I address in more detail elsewhere, these are the very things that have raised our monarchy to its current stature. There is no doubt that if God (to whom all is subject) preserves, grows, and strengthens it to the end of time, we can hope this will indeed come to pass, as long as it does not stray from this path.
He quotes Cicero: "Finally, true justice and honest labor are adorned with honors, rewards, and splendor, while the vices and deceits of men are punished with losses, shame, chains, scourges, exile, and death."
Medrano completes his first treatise with a quote on justice:
The truth of justice indeed requires that the wicked receive evil, and the good receive good.[30]
Publication
In 1601, Medrano authorized his son, Juan Fernández de Medrano y Sandoval, to initiate the process of presenting the first volume of the República Mista to the Royal Council and Philip III of Spain for official publication in Madrid. República Mista was printed on the royal press and published in Madrid by Juan Flamenco in 1602 by royal decree.[31]
In Valladolid on 30 August 1601, República Mista was approved by Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, the historian, writer and Chief Chronicler of Castile and the Americas during the reigns of Philip II and Philip III.[31]
In Valladolid, the treatise received permission for sale on 5 March 1602, granted by Juan Gallo de Andrada, Secretary of the Chamber of His Majesty.[31]
Critical analysis
República Mista has received sustained scholarly interest, from its favorable reception under Philip III to modern analysis, with Miguel Herrero García expanding on the king's summary through a detailed examination of the work's structure and classical foundations:
The author presents all political doctrine within a fictional narrative reminiscent of the old Spanish literature with Arabic influences. In this invention, the King Ptolemy of Egypt is depicted conversing at length with seven ambassadors from the most flourishing states of the time: Rome, Carthage, Sicily, Rhodes, Athens, Sparta, and Sicyon. Each ambassador outlines the three main precepts of their country's political system. The author concludes that if the twenty-one political precepts practiced by the Romans, Carthaginians, Sicilians, Rhodians, Athenians, Spartans, and Sicyonians were mixed or combined, the result would be a mixed republic, or rather, a combined political system that would yield optimal results. The book in our possession only discusses the three precepts of Roman politics, as presented by the fictional Roman ambassador: 'We have great respect and veneration for temples and the homeland. We obediently follow the mandates of our governors and magistrates. We reward the good and punish the wicked severely.'[27]
According to Miguel Herrero García, República Mista centers its 158 pages on three key precepts: the preservation of religion, the maintenance of authority through obedience, and the proper administration of justice, focusing entirely on religious and legal-political matters. Preceding these chapters is a 16-page preface in which the author defines politics and traces the development of society from the family to the municipality, and from municipalities to provinces and kingdoms. This introduction also explores forms of government and their supporting institutions, discussing the three good regimes: monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy, and their corrupt counterparts: tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy.[27]
Medrano accepts the classical view that no single form of government can stand alone without degenerating into its nearest vice unless it is moderated by others. To remain stable and just, republics must incorporate the virtues of multiple regimes. This doctrine, as García observes, was later fully embraced in Fray Juan de Salazar's own attempt to define the Spanish monarchy.[27]
In a more recent critical study, María López-Asiain offers a political analysis of República Mista, situating it firmly within the political traditions of early 17th-century Spain. According to María López-Asiain, República Mista (1602) by Tomás Fernández de Medrano did not challenge the legitimacy of monarchical sovereignty, which he assumed as a given. His interest lay in the practical workings of monarchical government, which he believed required the obedience of subjects, respect for religion, and strong royal authority. This authority, he declared, could legitimately include reliance on a trusted favorite, "a friend as a faithful servant", to whom certain powers might be delegated.[33]
Despite its title, the treatise did not advocate for a constitutional, absolute, or limited monarchy. Instead, Medrano defended divine kingship and delegated authority, presenting the role of the favorite not as a threat but as a functional extension of the sovereign's will. His model of a mixed republic was ultimately one of undivided sovereignty with executive functions delegated to a powerful minister (valido) when required. While Medrano acknowledged that such a figure should act within the bounds of the law and under the prince's authority, in practice, he was describing a delegated authority that validos like Lerma exercised in early 17th-century Spain.[33]
Doctrine of Medrano
The República Mista joins a corpus of works that codified political, legal, moral, and theological doctrine compiled and harmonized by the Medrano family in various statutes, laws, reforms, academies, and treatises.[4] The República Mista organizes twenty-one natural and divine precepts around the foundational precepts of religion, obedience, and justice.[4] Later authenticated Medrano works apply these precepts in legal, theological, pastoral, educational, military, mathematical, and artistic contexts.[51][52][53][18]
República Mista presents a method of doctrine and governance employed within the Spanish monarchy and allied courts, such as the Duchy of Savoy.[3][54] According to the República Mista, religion functions as the foundation of all governance, while obedience to God's divine order provides shared flourishing under delegated authority.[7] Within Spanish society, medrar functioned as the operative verb of shared flourishing.[55] In the República Mista, Medrano presents this flourishing as arising when persons, institutions, and kingdoms are rightly ordered under God for the common good.[1][18][56] Medrano teaches that kingship in the Spanish monarchy is understood as an office ordered toward the well-being and shared prosperity (medrar) of the community, exercised as justice through the person of the king and those to whom he delegates authority, rather than for private advantage.[30]
Medrano's República Mista clarified that rulers and their delegates do not act from personal power, but from power entrusted to them by God and law, exercised under reason and judgment for the common good.[1] Delegated authority was actively practiced within the Spanish monarchy and its royal councils, including the Councils of Castile, the Indies, State, Finance, War, Justice, His Majesty's Chamber, and Crown officials.[30][7][57]
Medrano places religion at the absolute foundation of political legitimacy. In República Mista, he teaches that God is both the origin and end of all things, and that no lawful order can exist without recognition of the Supreme Majesty to whom rulers themselves are subject. Religion is presented as a universal precept of society, present in all peoples and necessary for the establishment of law, justice, and civil order.[40]
He identifies religion as the principal foundation of republics, of obedience to laws and magistrates, of respect for rulers, and of justice itself, from which all legitimate governance and prosperity (medrar) must proceed.[40][58][59][60] The República Mista codifies obedience to God as a fundamental precept to kings, councils, and magistrates, who are recognized as the "image of God" on earth.[30] Medrano teaches that they must imitate Him in "goodness, perfection, and justice," especially through example, which he calls "the most powerful thing." For this reason, when corruption enters the people, rulers must not be the first to decay. Like the heart of an animal, which "remains the last to corrupt," the prince and magistrates are bound to remain pure and unharmed until the end.[30]
Medrano writes that when princes reward and honor excellent and virtuous servants in their civil government, they imitate God by such generosity, revealing a magnanimous heart.[30]
Although the precepts of religion, obedience, and justice had long guided the governance of Navarre, Aragon, Castile, and the Spanish Monarchy, the República Mista strengthened their application by removing ambiguity and articulating a systematic doctrine grounded in historical and scriptural examples and teachings. In doing so, it clarified and ordered these foundational precepts for the Council of Castile and all justices under a coherent vision of Catholic monarchy.[2]
Medrano taught that "God found this duty so appropriate that it is taken up throughout Sacred Scripture and by so many prophets," adding that "if even pagans uphold such precepts as right and worthy, it would be fitting for us, as Catholics and Christians, not to ignore them."[4]
Medrano insisted this doctrine was already faithfully upheld in Spain.[3] He presents the República Mista as a codification of an enduring doctrine already practiced by Spanish society, in which sacred duty, royal legitimacy, and patria were strengthened through instruction, religion, obedience, justice, moral formation, and generational service. Medrano codified a body of laws and duties internalized from childhood, binding the soul to God and the subject to the realm.[3]
Medrano codified a structured defense of monarchy as the most natural and most stable form of political order. He begins by noting that many strong arguments have been advanced in favor of the kingdom and the monarchical form, supported by numerous reputable thinkers across history.[30]
Medrano sets out, in explicit terms, the distinction between the tyrant and the just king. The tyrant, he writes, cares nothing for piety, justice, or faith, but acts only for his own interest, vengeance, or pleasure. By contrast, "the just King conforms entirely with the laws and the will of the gods." The just king seeks to enrich his subjects, avenges public injuries while forgiving personal ones, protects the honor of maidens and virtuous women, and welcomes free counsel so that he may correct his errors for the public good. He values the love of the people and does not rule through suspicion.[31]
For Medrano, the consequence is decisive: the king lives in peace and is honored in life and mourned in death, while the tyrant lives in perpetual fear and is reviled both in life and after it. Having received this instruction, each would then withdraw to attend to his appointed duties.[31]
In the República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano affirms that true prosperity (medrar) arises when religion, obedience, and justice for the common good are held in harmony. He cautions that pride and ambition, especially the desire to exceed one's condition, disturb that order and threaten the republic: "A good subject should be humble, gracious, obedient, and devout, not proud, ambitious, or idle. It is critical for both great and small to be content in their stations without aspirations for higher ranks than suit their condition, lest they disrupt the republic by their ambition."[4] He explains that true flourishing is preserved only when rulers and subjects faithfully fulfill their respective duties. Citing Scripture, the Fathers, and classical historians, he teaches that reverence toward lawful authority, prayer for the republic, and obedience to just order sustain the peace through which both kingdoms and their people flourish.[11]
Medrano uses Philip III's campaign in Algiers to demonstrate that true prosperity (medrar) is grounded in prudent and righteous counsel, not in visible gain or loss.[1] He affirms royal authority is a divine trust, and rulers are judged first by the justice of their counsel, not by the immediate outcome of events. Even costly or unsuccessful campaigns remain acts of medrar when ordered by faith, prudence, and legitimate authority. By contrast, success achieved through poor counsel or ambition belongs to medro, however prosperous it may appear.
Medrano reaffirmed Philip III's decision to send aid to Irish Catholics through the Fourth Spanish Armada as an act ordered to the restoration of divine and juridical order.[4]
Within the Doctrine of Medrano, medrar functions as a theological and hereditary vocation, virtue, and precept, applicable to any people, government, or era seeking prosperity through just rule when religion, obedience, and justice are harmonized and preserved for posterity.[11] "Medrar, Vivir, Morir" (we prosper, we live, we die) is a civil grammar that defined the Spanish life cycle.[55] It allows a society to advance and prosper virtuously, live in justice and divine order, and die with the public remembrance of their example. This condition of shared prosperity and continuity comes from the good deeds of virtuous men in service to God, the king, and the republic.[1]
Medrar as a grammar of court society relied on the foundational precepts of religion, obedience, and justice, later codified as formal doctrine in the first volume of the República Mista, a treatise not produced in abstraction. This doctrine had already been upheld by the Spanish monarchs and their ancestors, validated through the careers of the nobility for centuries, and confirmed by executive letters (carta ejecutoria).[61] According to a 2025 publication from Cambridge University, the precept that service to the Crown constituted a generational duty, rather than an individual accomplishment, was embedded in early modern royal administration.[20]
Justice: the juridical and moral obligations of princes
Medrano actively experienced the French Wars of Religion from 1591 to 1598.[8] As Secretary of State and War to the Duke of Savoy, Medrano, with the support of the King of Spain, backed the Catholic Guise and Montmorency families against the Calvinist faction led by Henry IV of France, the House of Condé, and Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre.[8] Medrano personally advised the Duke of Savoy in crafting a coordinated military and doctrinal response to the protestant rebellion in France.[8]
In 1591, the urgency of the situation in Provence had compelled the Duke of Savoy to send Medrano, his secretary of state and war, to court. The Duke of Savoy described Tomás Fernández de Medrano as "a person through whose hands everything has passed and who infinitely desires the service of Your Majesty," and instructed that, to find a resolution with Medrano, the king could trust in his delegated authority:
"whatever he proposes... it will be my pleasure for you to give him the same credit as you would to my own person."[8]
Two years after Tomás entered the campaign, in 1593, Henry IV, previously Protestant, renounced Calvinism and converted to Catholicism to secure the unity of the French crown.[62] The conflict reached formal resolution in 1598 when Henry IV, now a Catholic king, issued the Edict of Nantes, granting defined liberties to the Huguenots while maintaining the juridical supremacy of Catholic legitimacy.[62]
Though the phrase "Paris is well worth a Mass" may be apocryphal, the act affirmed a political theology of peace, unity, and legitimacy through sacramental kingship.[63] Henry IV's coronation at Chartres on 27 February 1594, and papal absolution on 17 September 1595 completed the juridical and ecclesial recognition of his delegated authority under God the Father, mediated through Christ His Son and the Catholic Church.[64] Though some Protestant allies were alienated, the conversion consolidated Catholic loyalty and stabilized the French monarchy.[64]
In his República Mista, Medrano identified the disorders of the previous French reign as rooted in the arbitrary elevation of unworthy individuals under Henry III:
One of the causes of ruin in France under Henry III, as a modern author claims, was that people sprang up like mushrooms, elevated overnight to great dignities without the experience, age, or virtues possessed by those born and bred for such roles... Those who occupy positions without merit bring envy upon themselves and disrepute upon their patron.
He drew from Euripides to compare such honors to golden wings that appear to elevate but instead weigh down the unworthy, and continued:
Qui dicunt impio justus est... Maledicent eis populi, et detestabuntur eos tribus. (The people and nations curse those who say to the wicked, "You are just.")
For Medrano, rulers who fail to reward merit or punish injustice become complicit in wrongdoing. Political legitimacy, he taught, depends on delegated authority and virtuous rule aligned with divine and natural precepts.[7]
Two years after Medrano published the República Mista (1602), Pierre Lostal, vice-chancellor of Navarre under Henry III of Navarre (Henry IV of France), published Le Soldat Navarros (1604) for a restored Catholic kingdom. Addressed to the king, the work portrayed the monarch as the restraining force against ambition and disorder, grounding royal authority in four cardinal precepts: justice, prudence, magnanimity, and temperance.[65]
Rulers accountable to God: justice and the appointment of ministers
Medrano writes that Agesilaus once declared justice to be the greatest of all virtues, and that bravery without it was worthless. If all men were just, he said, there would be no need for bravery or even for laws. "The law is not made for the just," he taught, "but for those who need correction." Laws may punish offenses, but they cannot cleanse the conscience. For those who rule, only honor or necessity can restrain them.
One day, an ambassador told Agesilaus, "The great king desires it so." Agesilaus responded, "He may be a great king, but is he more just than I am?" He implied that justice should be the measure of greatness and rule, which princes must uphold to govern their subjects. Honor and glory lie in virtue, not in rank, for those who misuse their power will be called tyrants, not just rulers.
Medrano described the time a poor woman once approached King Philip of Macedonia, begging for an audience to present her grievance. When Philip replied that he had no time, she boldly answered, "Then do not be king if you have no time to hear our complaints." Moved by her words, Philip returned to his palace and spent many days hearing grievances, beginning with hers. Medrano affirms that his compassion and commitment to justice made him beloved among his people.
Medrano uses Demetrius I Poliorcetes as an example of corrupt rule, who, after receiving numerous petitions from his subjects, threw them all into the river while crossing a bridge, which angered the people so greatly that within a few days his army abandoned him and joined Pyrrhus, his enemy, driving him out of the kingdom without a fight. Medrano recounts that Henry, King of Sweden, struck a poor knight with a dagger simply because the man pressed him for justice. This act so outraged both the nobility and the common people that they imprisoned him and raised his brother to the throne, who, as he notes, reigned thereafter.
Who would not seek to avoid discord in the republics brought on by acts of injustice, so as not to die filled with dread, terror, and a tormented conscience? For any wickedness is its own punishment, continually haunting the soul of the wrongdoer with shame, guilt, turmoil, and deep unrest.
Drawing upon Saint Isidore of Seville, Tomás affirmed that rulers sin when they entrust governance to corrupt ministers. He drew a clear moral parallel: as the people are at fault for enduring wicked rulers, rulers are equally at fault for empowering unworthy officials (Ad delictum pertinet Principum, qui pranos indices contra voluntatem Dei populi fidelibus praeficiunt).
Since God is the ultimate author of justice, continually demonstrating it in us through such clear signs, we should neither disregard nor violate it. Those entrusted with administering justice or appointing others to this role must select people who are fit for such weighty responsibilities, learned and exemplars of good conduct. For otherwise, the great and supreme Judge will closely scrutinize the grievances done to the innocent, the abuses, and the scandals caused by the ignorant, bringing ruin upon countless families. Ad delictum pertinet Principum, qui pranos indices contra voluntatem Dei populi fidelibus praeficiunt: "The fault lies with the rulers who, against God's will, place corrupt judges over the faithful." Just as it is the people's sin to have unworthy rulers, so too is it the ruler's sin to have unjust ministers. Who doubts, says St. Isidore, that a ruler commits a sin when he appoints a corrupt shepherd to his flock? For just as it is a transgression of the people to have wicked rulers, so it is equally a transgression of the ruler to appoint unworthy ministers. And what of those offices that have been sold?[11]
He reserved his strongest condemnation for the sale of secular and ecclesiastical offices. This practice, he explains, allowed unworthy men to buy their way into power, eroding the moral foundations of the republic and weakening the integrity of both Church and Crown.[1]
"From this, we can infer what the Sorbonne of Paris advised King Francis II regarding the need for reform in his kingdom. They argued that the gravest injustices stemmed from the sale of secular and ecclesiastical offices, often to unworthy men, as if these roles were simple merchandise. Such corruption, they stated, had led to the rise of new religious factions and widespread abuses. By selling justice, the most sacred foundation of the world, the republic, the blood of the subjects, and the very laws themselves were betrayed. This practice destroyed hope and stripped honor, virtue, wisdom, piety, and religion of their rightful rewards."[1]
In such an environment, merchants and commoners could purchase honors once reserved for the virtuous and noble. Once in office, these officials often recouped their investment through bribery, influence-peddling, and extortion. Tomás warned that this cycle institutionalized impiety and ignorance and violated both civil and canonical law, as well as the customs of honorable monarchs.[1]
"They opened the door to robbery, extortion, greed, ignorance, impiety, and ultimately to all manner of vice and wickedness. Through this, commoners, who had gained wealth through multiple trades, could buy titles and honors that only the virtuous and noble had previously earned through merit. And afterward, finding themselves financially depleted, they sought to recover their expenses by selling, bit by bit, what they had purchased in bulk, directly contradicting the civil and canonical laws that had formed the foundation of the royal statutes and venerable customs upheld by the king's ancestors."[1]
He then cited Emperor Alexander Severus, whose maxim encapsulated the logic of corruption:
Vendat necesse est, qui emit: "He who buys must inevitably sell."[11]
Citing the Sorbonne's counsel to King Francis II, Medrano warned that selling offices had precipitated widespread injustice. The Parisian faculty had condemned this practice for turning virtue into a commodity and for sowing religious division and civil disorder. Tomás echoed their warning, framing it as a betrayal of law, justice, and honor.[1]
"It was precisely this kind of corruption that brought ruin to the republic of Sparta and to other once-thriving kingdoms, a fate that France, above all, should take care to avoid."[1]
The warning addressed to the Kingdom of France by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, secretary of state and war to the Dukes of Savoy, proved profoundly relevant under Louis XIV and later in Spain during the Bourbon era and the eventual French Revolution. The same abuses he condemned, including the sale of offices, the elevation of the unworthy, and the corruption of justice for profit, appeared in both France and Spain. By the 18th century, widespread opposition to venality and fiscal exploitation in Spain and the Americas confirmed the warnings Tomás made, which held that kingdoms fall into disorder whenever merit yields to ambition and justice is treated as merchandise.[66]
The Decline of Virtue and the Corruption of Nobility
Medrano demonstrates the universal nature of merit, wisdom, and integrity, codified in his República Mista, by citing Titelman's commentary on Job:
"It was an ancient custom among the Eastern peoples, who lived according to natural law, to entrust the administration of the republic only to those who excelled others in wisdom and integrity."
Medrano asserts a juridical indicntment to illustrate that this aligns with the famous maxim of a celebrated philosopher:
"And would that in this age of ours, the most praiseworthy custom of those times, that most noble precept, were not so far removed, for among the Christian people, a most corrupt custom has taken hold: one which regards only noble lineage, neither the integrity of character, nor the clarity of wisdom, nor any of those qualities which ought to be held in the highest expectation.
A nobility of mere flesh (as they call it and contrive it) now, alas, renders even the ignorant and the depraved suitable for every office, whether civil or ecclesiastical. The antiquity of their portraits and the brightness of their ancestral line alone elevate men immersed in all manner of vice, even to the highest dignities, I must add, weighted down with multiple pontifical titles. This misfortune within the Holy Church of God, I deem so grievous that no amount of tears could ever rightly mourn it."
Medrano notes how the author appears to have a particular enmity toward the vices of the nobility, and "with good reason, for those who should serve as examples of virtue often lack it." Medrano explains that some believe it is wrong to honor a nobleman only because his ancestors earned distinction through virtue and valor when he himself is corrupt and unworthy. Doing so, he writes, dishonors true virtue and brings shame upon the ancestors who had once been rightly esteemed for their merits.
Medrano cites the Roman general and statesman Gaius Marius, who addressed the weak-hearted nobles who envied his achievements, saying:
"If they think they have reason to disdain me because I lack statues of my ancestors, they may feel the same way about their own forebears who built their nobility on virtue."
Medrano defines the moral and social essence of nobility through advancement and prosperity (medrar) through virtue, wisdom, and divine justice, in contrast to medro, advancement through privilege, vanity, wealth, or deceit. He invoked Marius, and reinforced that true nobility is not inherited by birth but renewed through action and moral excellence, preserving both the honor of one's lineage and the integrity of the republic.
Sanctified merit and the right to advance (medrar)
In his República Mista, Tomás Fernández de Medrano defined how nobility in Spain functioned when properly ordered, codifying it as a moral condition rather than a hereditary privilege. He taught that the true measure of a man's worth lay not in his birth, but in his virtue and service to the republic:
When in the distribution of goods and honors, one considers more the worth of each person than his wealth or lineage, and values personal merit more than riches or the vain ostentation of ancestors, each person is given what is rightfully his.[7]
Medrano codified a social and moral obligation in which advancement or prosperity (medrar) arises from merit and recognition. A direct historical example of this precept appears in New Spain in 1671, when Governor Juan de Medrano promoted Juan Domínguez de Mendoza to sargento mayor in the Spanish Tercio, immediately below that of maestre de campo, on the basis of his documented service record, which Juan de Medrano praised for its demonstration of his merits and quality.[67]
Medrano explains that this system inspires even the humblest citizens to serve the common good:
Those who are poor or of humble status, with the hope of ennobling themselves and advancing, are motivated to perform marvels in service of the republic, just as I have seen the poorest soldiers, often regarded as ragged, perform.[7]
He then turns to the nobility itself, warning that titles without virtue endanger both the noble house and the republic:
Generous men, hidalgos, and knights, recognizing that it does not benefit them to be noble only by blood but also by virtue, follow the example of their ancestors. To avoid losing for themselves what their ancestors left to them, they strive to imitate them and preserve the ancient luster of their house.[7]
For Medrano, the hope of the humble and the vigilance of the noble form the dual pillars of a healthy government, therefore:
The hope of some and the justified fear of others are the health and conservation of the republic. For it is very true, as the saying goes, that if there is anything good in nobility, it is that it places a certain necessity upon nobles to imitate their predecessors and not fall short of the virtue and greatness that their forebears bequeathed to them.[7]
Finally, he anchors this moral order in divine law and sacred example, invoking the dying words of Mattathias as a commandment to future generations:
This may have been why the glorious Mattathias said on his deathbed to his sons, Estote emulatores legis et date animas vestras pro testamento patrum, memores operum patrum, Be zealous for the law and give your lives for the testament of your fathers; remember the deeds of your fathers, and you will achieve eternal glory and an everlasting name.[7]
Doctrine of Medrano: Virtuous Nobility and the delegation of offices in the Republic
Medrano codified the importance of legitimate nobility, when properly grounded in service, character, and inherited virtue. He maintained that delegated distinctions between noble and commoner were natural, divinely ordained, and socially stabilizing, provided they were governed by just and lawful precepts:
It is, indeed, necessary to have distinctions between the nobleman and the commoner, between the noble and the non-noble, between the great and the small, for just as God wills that there be various degrees in the republic, so too are there in heaven. Not all saints in glory are equal, nor do all stars possess the same magnitude and brightness.[11]
While denouncing the elevation of unworthy men to high office, Medrano maintained that virtuous nobles must be honored and entrusted with leadership. Their elevation was not only just, but also essential for the prince's own authority and for the political stability of the realm.
In the end, it behooves the Prince to honor virtuous knights and nobles, to make use of them, to grant them great favor, and to prefer them over those who lack virtue. He should demonstrate by his actions that he recognizes and esteems what is deserved through their persons and through their fathers and grandfathers. For this, besides being reasonable and just, is crucial for the authority of the Prince himself and for the stability of his Kingdoms, which tend to become unsettled and disturbed when, disregarding the great and principal lords of his Estates who merit it, he serves instead people of low and vile standing.[11]
Medrano warned that placing men of low character into high positions not only insulted the nobility but provoked dangerous instability:
Si rempublicam ignorantis non magni pretii hominibus committis, statim, et nobilium, ac strenuorum iram in te provocabis, ob contemptam eorum fidem, et maximis in rebus damna patieris ("If you entrust the republic to men of low worth, you will immediately provoke the ire of the nobility and valiant men because of your contempt for their loyalty, and you will suffer great losses in matters of importance.")[11]
He contrasted this danger with the prosperous state of Spain in his own time, attributing it to the fact that noble and capable men held the reins of governance.
I do not believe that Spain has seen more glorious times than it does today in this regard, as the distinguished and grave personages (Princes, I may say) occupy the offices, hold the government positions, and serve in the Councils.[11]
Tomás does not mention any personages by name, however his statement directly aligns with men such as García de Medrano y Castejón, who served in the Councils at the same time the República Mista (1602) was published.[17]
After affirming that virtuous men occupy the offices, hold the government positions, and serve in the Councils, Tomás Fernández de Medrano then turned to legal authority, quoting a law from the Partidas to emphasize that nobility was not simply inherited but composed of virtuous character and usefulness to the Crown:
A law in the Partidas states these words: "To know how to use nobility is a clear union of virtues; for this, knights ought to be greatly honored for three reasons: first, for the nobility of their lineage; second, for their goodness; and third, for the benefit that comes from them. Therefore, kings should greatly honor them, as those with whom they are to accomplish their work."[1]
This law persists decades after the publication of the República Mista (1602), exemplified by Francisco de Medrano y Bazán as councilor of Philip IV, and alcalde of the kings Casa y Corté.
A work titled Part sixteen of new and select comedies by the best minds in Spain was dedicated to him in 1662 by Mateo de la Bastide and published in Madrid by Melchor Sanchez.[68]
An excerpt of the dedication by Mateo de la Bastide preserves Francisco and the doctrine for posterity in a judicial and administrative role. He wrote that he would not fulfill one of the many obligations advised by His Excellency unless he placed the work under his protection, so that with such refuge and defense, it may have "an immortal" duration:
To Don Francisco de Medrano y Bazan, Of His Majesty's Council and alcalde in His casa y corte: The benefits I have received from Your Excellency are so numerous that I have never forgotten them... confident in Your Excellency's kindness, for neither it nor I require the cultivation of lies disguised as flattery, since we are free from such a base means. Trusting Your Excellency's grace will not fail them, I choose as its auxiliary patron Your Excellency, whose merits, eloquence, wisdom, antiquity, and virtues, along with the adaptability and tireless effort required in the administration of justice, need no recounting.[68]
Through the public dedication to Francisco de Medrano y Bazán's royal office, Mateo de la Bastide joins him in exemplifying the República Mista by Tomás. In rejecting "the cultivation of lies disguised as flattery," they also uphold Diego's Mirror of Princes (1657–1661), while fulfilling the Partidas' precept. His recognition by author, king, and law confirms that the Doctrine of Medrano was reaffirmed and honored in 1662.[68]
After illustrating the law of the Partidas, Tomás closed this doctrinal statement with a direct warning about the damage done when rulers and the nobility align themselves with the ignoble, invoking classical authority:
What noble person is there who will align himself with the low and base? Vilis ille, qui tantum viles sibi admovet. "He is contemptible who only associates himself with the contemptible." Quis hostis eum non contemnat? "What enemy would not scorn him?" And what soldier would not feel humiliated to serve under his command?[1]
And finally, teaching that the sovereign's ability to judge and recognize men was not instinctual, but a learned virtue essential to governance:
Teaching the King the importance of being able to recognize men, another law says that this knowledge consists of understanding their lineage, customs, character, and the deeds they have accomplished.[30]
These precepts, including virtue before lineage, the recognition of character and deeds, and the obligation of rulers to appoint based on merit, guided the Spanish monarchs in their official appointments, sometimes setting aside tradition in order to appoint virtuous officials for the common good.[69]
The divine precepts of religion, obedience, and justice as the foundation of prosperity in the republic
In the República Mista, Medrano used the example of Sparta to illustrate why prosperity (medrar) can occur:
Someone once asked why Sparta prospered. Was it because the kings knew how to rule? 'No,' came the reply, 'but because the citizens knew how to obey.'
Tomás described the unity of a state as the harmony of all its parts under divine and natural law, preventing the abuses of any one group from excessively dominating another, a unity that historically allowed the Spanish Empire to prosper (medrar):
Unity in all things sustains a kingdom, and this unity is what has allowed our own to prosper to this day, with honors, public positions, and benefits usually distributed according to each person's status, and each safeguarded with their privileges and preeminence. All due diligence is taken to prevent any one group from excessively dominating another: that the nobility does not trample the common people, nor drive them to despair, and that the people, through their arts, trades, and the positions they hold, do not enrich themselves in ways that harm the nobles.
In the República Mista, Tomás codified justice as the divine law that binds humanity to God and one another:
Justice reveals the distinction between the good and the bad. It is a divine law and the bond of human society; without it, nothing but confusion can result. To reward the wicked in place of the good, or to afflict the good and leave the wicked unpunished, is to confuse vice with virtue. No monarchy, kingdom, or republic can be properly ruled, governed, or preserved in peace without justice, the counsel of the experienced, and the favor of divine wisdom, for it is through wisdom that we know God and revere Him. From this reverence arises piety, giving wisdom its name.
Tomás uses Plato's exemplar of political theology to describe the divine duty of justice and why faith must be upheld by it:
The Philosopher calls justice a general virtue, because one who fully possesses it may be said to hold all other virtues as well. Without prudence, one cannot distinguish between justice and injustice... nor fulfill the most divine duty of justice, which is to help the afflicted and oppressed with all one's strength. Faith, the foundation of justice, exists because of justice; if faith were not upheld by justice, who would not deem it legitimate to seize power by any means necessary and to treat dominion as a prize for whomever can take it? If we seek to exercise justice perfectly, as Plato advises, we should make no distinction among men for friendship, kinship, wealth, or dignity. This virtue requires that we set aside private benefit for the public good, even to our own detriment.
Medrano quotes Lactantius to illustrate corrupt advancement (medro) and affirms that justice is not possible without reverence for God:
"Only the fear of God preserves harmony among men. For those who wield weapons, force, and power would often seek to dominate and oppress others... if religion did not restrain such inclinations."[10]
Justice is the measure of all political legitimacy. He warns that if the wicked are favored and the virtuous cast aside, hope for prosperity (medrar) fades:
"A law is the rule of justice, and justice is the purpose of the law. Cicero says the law is the soul of the republic, the blood that gives it life, and the rule that sustains the state. A republic is close to ruin when those condemned by law are pardoned, and judgments are reversed. When the wicked are favored and the virtuous cast aside, hope for prosperity fades."[11]
Medrano strengthened religion as the foundation of all legitimate government, obedience as its form, and justice as its fulfillment. Each precept reinforces the others to maintain political order. He affirms the good will be rewarded, and the wicked will be published.
Medrano confirms that the denial of justice has led many princes to their deaths, "as was the case with Philip of Macedonia, who was killed by Pausanias after refusing to address an offense committed by Antipater."[30] Citing Saint Augustine, he declares:
Sine iustitia quid sunt regna nisi magna latrocinia? ("Without justice, what are kingdoms but great robberies?")[11]
He adds, "Since God is the ultimate author of justice, continually demonstrating it in us through such clear signs, we should neither disregard nor violate it." Those entrusted with "administering justice or appointing others to this role must select people who are fit for such weighty responsibilities, learned and exemplars of good conduct."[30]
Medrano teaches that a prince must ensure the Catholic religion is protected and cherished within his realm, for if it is neglected another religion may easily take its place. Once such a religion has taken hold, the prince can no longer freely call himself lord of that province, since he will remain dependent upon it throughout his life. With it, he warns, come license and impiety that foster factions and divisions, ultimately leading to the same destruction observed in other realms.[30]
Medrano writes in his República Mista, "if an empire lacks a strong religion, it is impossible for it to be powerful in arms. Without these two things, it must fall. But if they remain united, as they do in this Monarchy, then it will live and stand for a thousand ages."[30] Through his República Mista (1612), Tomás Fernández de Medrano transformed ancient philosophy and political theology into doctrine by codifying religion, obedience, and justice as divine precepts of the state and the laws by which both heaven and society are bound.[1]
Legacy and continuity
Long before his República Mista, Medrano lived at the royal court with Philip II of Spain, directly influencing the Spanish monarchy and its allied courts, demonstrating that the precepts in República Mista were already operating in statecraft and diplomacy before they were ever codified.[70]
The litigation surrounding the election of the Procurator to the Cortes of 1638 preserves one of the clearest examples of the doctrine in the República Mista and the distinction between medrar and medro. The dispute demonstrated what occurred when factions within even the principal lineages abandoned virtue, justice, and lawful custom in pursuit of ambition.[71] During the proceedings, Diego de Medrano, himself one of the elected procurators, challenged the election before the Royal Council, presenting interrogatories concerning bribery, coercion, patronage, intimidation, and abuses surrounding eligibility and voting procedures within the lineages.[71] The records recalled Medranos serving in royal and judicial office, including Diego de Medrano, gentleman of the Household of Philip III; Francisco de Medrano, Lord of Masegoso, accountant and treasurer to Prince Carlos; and Licenciado Alonso Molina de Medrano, knight of Santiago and member of His Majesty's Council, affirming that lineage participation remained tied to recognized royal service and juridical legitimacy.[71] Although Francisco Yáñez de Barnuevo ultimately secured the procuratorship, the proceedings preserve a distinction central to the Doctrine of Medrano itself. The office may have been obtained, but not through medrar, advancement through virtue, merit, justice, and lawful service directed toward the common good. Instead, the litigation presents the danger of medro: advancement through faction, deceit, coercion, and corruption, precisely the condition Tomás condemned in the República Mista when honors and offices ceased to reward virtue and instead became instruments of ambition.[30] The records therefore preserve both the legitimacy of the Twelve Lineages as an aristocratic-timocratic institution of Castile and a practical example of the disorder that emerged when its constitutional customs were violated.[71]
References
- ↑ 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 1.17 Fernández de Medrano, Tomás (1602). "Republica mista, dirigida a D. Francisco de Sandoval Duque de Lerma, ... Parte primera". Biblioteca del Banco de España (in español).
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 Royal Decree of 25 September 1601, Philip III of Spain. Tomas Fernández de Medrano, República Mista, Madrid, 1602.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 Fernández de Medrano, Tomás. República Mista: Introduction to the second book of the first treatise. Printed in Madrid at the royal press by Juan Flamenco, 1602.
- ↑ 4.00 4.01 4.02 4.03 4.04 4.05 4.06 4.07 4.08 4.09 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 "Republica Mista". granatensis.ugr.es. Retrieved 2025-03-19.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 Salazar, Fray Juan de (1997). Herrero García, Miguel, ed. Política española. Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales. Search this book on
- ↑ 6.0 6.1 Guadagnin, Erika (2022). "Capitolo IV. Philosophia Rationalis Naturalis Moralis". La Philosophia nella Grande Galleria (in italiano). Ledizioni. pp. 179–501. ISBN 978-88-5526-928-5. Search this book on
- ↑ 7.00 7.01 7.02 7.03 7.04 7.05 7.06 7.07 7.08 7.09 7.10 7.11 7.12 "Republica Mista". Retrieved 2025-03-19.
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 Tellez, Diego (2015). "Tomás y Juan Fernández de Medrano: una saga camerana a fines del s. XVI y comienzos del s. XVII". Berceo.
- ↑ 9.0 9.1 República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Page 2.
- ↑ 10.00 10.01 10.02 10.03 10.04 10.05 10.06 10.07 10.08 10.09 10.10 10.11 10.12 10.13 10.14 10.15 10.16 10.17 10.18 10.19 10.20 10.21 Fernández de Medrano, Tomás (1602). República Mista (in español). Imprenta Real. Search this book on
- ↑ 11.00 11.01 11.02 11.03 11.04 11.05 11.06 11.07 11.08 11.09 11.10 11.11 11.12 11.13 11.14 11.15 11.16 11.17 11.18 11.19 11.20 11.21 11.22 "Republica mista Madrid en la Imprenta Real, por Juan Flamenco 1602". inventarios.realbiblioteca.es. Retrieved 2025-03-19.
- ↑ SALAZAR, FR. J. DE, Política española..., p. XVI
- ↑ N. Antonio, Biblioteca Hispana Nova sive hispanorum qui ab anno MC ad MDCLXXXIV flovuere notitia, vol. II, Madrid, Joaquín Ibarra, 1783, pág. 302
- ↑ "Tomás Fernández Medrano". dbe.rah.es. Retrieved 2025-03-19.
- ↑ SALAZAR, FR. J. DE, Política española, Edición, estudio preliminar y notas de Miguel Herrero García, Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 1997 (1619), pp. XV-XVI.
- ↑ República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Page 3.
- ↑ 17.0 17.1 Proyectos, HI Iberia Ingeniería y. "García de Medrano y Castejón". historia-hispanica.rah.es (in español). Retrieved 2025-05-10.
- ↑ 18.0 18.1 18.2 Santiago, Orden de (1605). "Copilacion de las leyes capitulares de la Orden de la Caualleria de Santiago del Espada". Copilacion de las Leyes Capitulares de la Orden de la Caualleria de Santiago del Espada (in español).
- ↑ Rubiés, Joan-Pau (1996-01-01). "La idea del gobierno mixto y su significado en la crisis de la Monarquía Hispánica". Historia social.
- ↑ 20.0 20.1 Borda, Adolfo Polo y La (20 February 2025). "An Empire of Experts". Global Servants of the Spanish King: Mobility and Cosmopolitanism in the Early Modern Spanish Empire. Cambridge University Press. pp. 128–165. doi:10.1017/9781009403207.004. ISBN 978-1-009-40320-7. Retrieved 2025-11-02. Search this book on
- ↑ Copia de algunos papeles..., s. f., (1609).
- ↑ King as father in Early Modern Spain Luis R. Corteguera University of Kansas https://dadun.unav.edu/bitstream/10171/17776/1/47916489.pdf p. 17
- ↑ "Wayback Machine". cultureandhistory.revistas.csic.es. Archived from the original on 2023-02-05. Retrieved 2025-03-19. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Loira, Javier Patiño (2017-01-01). ""Meddling with Royal Hearts": Interiority and Privanza (1598–1643)". Culture & History Digital Journal.
- ↑ Revilla, Ignacio Javier Ezquerra (2023-03-20). "El Fervor Descalzo del Presidente Francisco de Contreras. Su Apoyo al Desierto Carmelita de Bolarque". Obradoiro de Historia Moderna (in español) (32). doi:10.15304/ohm.32.8385. ISSN 2340-0013.
- ↑ José Martínez Millán, "La crisis del ‘partido castellano’ y la transformación de la Monarquía Hispana en el cambio de reinado de Felipe II a Felipe III," Cuadernos de Historia Moderna 11, Anejo II (2003): 11–38. https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/CHMO/article/download/CHMO0303220011A/22347/23508
- ↑ 27.0 27.1 27.2 27.3 SALAZAR, FR. J. DE, Política española, Edición, estudio preliminar y notas de Miguel Herrero García, Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 1997 (1619), pp. XVII-XVIII.
- ↑ Salazar, Fray Juan de. Política española. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Políticos, Biblioteca Española de Escritores Políticos (B.E.D.E.P.), 1945. LXX + 288 pages. https://www.cepc.gob.es/sites/default/files/2021-12/7188rep025-026336.pdf
- ↑ "Philip III: overshadowed by an overly powerful father". Die Welt der Habsburger. Retrieved 2025-03-27.
- ↑ 30.00 30.01 30.02 30.03 30.04 30.05 30.06 30.07 30.08 30.09 30.10 30.11 30.12 30.13 30.14 30.15 30.16 30.17 30.18 30.19 30.20 30.21 Fernández de Medrano, Tomas (1602). República Mista. En Madrid: en la Imprenta Real: por Iuan Flamenco. Search this book on
- ↑ 31.0 31.1 31.2 31.3 31.4 31.5 31.6 31.7 31.8 Fernández de Medrano, Tomás (1602). Volume one of the República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, brought to the royal press by Juan Fernández de Medrano in 1602 (in español). In Madrid, on the Royal Press: Published by Juan Flamenco. Search this book on
- ↑ FEROS, Kingship and Favoritism, p. 84.
- ↑ 33.0 33.1 33.2 López-Asiain, María (2020). "El Palacio Real de Valladolid: Escenario de la Corte de Felipe III". Dossier Ciudades (6).
- ↑ Fernández Albaladejo, Pablo (2020). "El debate sobre el privado en la monarquía hispánica (1598–1621): formas de la crítica política en la temprana Edad Moderna". Magallánica: Revista de Historia Moderna. 6 (11): 67–98.
- ↑ Mrozek Eliszezynski, Giuseppe. "The Figure of the Royal Favourite in Spanish Political Treatises of the Early 17th Century." Mediterranea: Ricerche Storiche, vol. 45 (2018): 397–423. Accessed March 24, 2025. http://www.storiamediterranea.it/wp-content/uploads/mediterranea/p4642/Giuseppe%20Mrozek%20Eliszezynski.pdf.
- ↑ Cifelli, Mario. Del privado al ministro: modelos y estrategias de legitimación del poder en la corte de Felipe III. La Perinola: Revista de Investigación Quevediana, no. 17 (2013): 47–78. Accessed March 24, 2025. https://revistas.unav.edu/index.php/la-perinola/article/view/9594/8356.
- ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 República Mista, p. 155–158
- ↑ Fernández de Medrano, Tomas. República Mista, page 1. (1602)
- ↑ 39.00 39.01 39.02 39.03 39.04 39.05 39.06 39.07 39.08 39.09 39.10 39.11 39.12 39.13 Fernández de Medrano, Tomás. República Mista, Prologue. 1602. Madrid.
- ↑ 40.0 40.1 40.2 40.3 40.4 40.5 40.6 Fernandez de Medrano, Tomás. República Mista, Chapter I. Royal Press, Madrid.
- ↑ República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Page 24.
- ↑ Kamen, H. (2005). Spain 1469–1714: A Society of Conflict. Routledge:Oxford. p. 37.
- ↑ Olcoz Yanguas, Serafín. "El Buen Padre Fortún Sánchez, la tenencia de Nájera y otras tenencias relevantes del reino de Pamplona, durante la primera mitad del siglo XI." Príncipe de Viana, vol. 249, 2010, pp. 121–184. https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3236676.pdf
- ↑ República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Pages 56–66.
- ↑ República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Pages 69–70.
- ↑ Medrano, Tomás Fernández de (1602). República Mista (in español). Impr. Real. p. 83. Search this book on
- ↑ República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Pages 69–110.
- ↑ República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Page 112.
- ↑ República Mista, p. 150–158
- ↑ República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano, 1602. Page 157.
- ↑ "Quadrados magicos, que sobre los que figuraban los egypcios, y pygthagoricos, para la superticiosa [sic] adoración de sus falsos dioses / ha adelantado ..." HathiTrust. Retrieved 2025-05-08.
- ↑ Medrano, Sebastián Fernández de (1700). El architecto perfecto en el arte militar: dividido en cinco libros ... (in español). en casa de Lamberto Marchant. Search this book on
- ↑ Treviño, Diego Medrano y (1843). Considerations on the moral economic state of the province of Ciudad-Real... (in español). Imprenta Carrera de San Gerónimo. Search this book on
- ↑ Fernández de Medrano Zenizeros, Diego. "Mirror of Princes: Crucible of their Virtues, Astonishment of their Failings, Soul of their Government and Government of their Soul". Mirror of Princes.
- ↑ 55.0 55.1 Campo-Perales, Àngel (2024-10-28). "Los validos valencianos del valido. Arte y legitimación social en tiempos del Duque de Lerma (1599–1625)". Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie VII, Historia del Arte (in español) (12): 275–296. doi:10.5944/etfvii.12.2024.38583. hdl:10550/109086. ISSN 2340-1478.
- ↑ "'reformacion que por mandado del rey nuestro señor se ha hecho en la universidad de alcalà de henares, siendo visitador, y reformador el señor doctor d. garcia de medrano ... 1666' – Viewer | MDZ". www.digitale-sammlungen.de. Retrieved 2025-05-10.
- ↑ Colegio Mayor de San Ildefonso (Alcalá de Henares); Universidad de Alcalá de Henares; Fuente, Vicente de la (1817–1889) (antiguo poseedor) (1666). "Reformacion que por mandado del rey ... se ha hecho en la Uniuersidad de Alcalà de Henares : siendo visitador y reformador ... Garcia de Medrano ... a quien se cometio la execucion de la dicha reformacion ... año de mil y seiscientos y sesenta y cinco y la puso en execucion el año de mil seiscinetos y sesenta y seis". Biblioteca del Banco de España 2018. Signatura: FEV-AV-M-00444_02 (in español).
- ↑ "Bible Gateway passage: Psalmi 105 – Biblia Sacra Vulgata". Bible Gateway. Retrieved 2026-02-18.
- ↑ "Bible Gateway passage: Psalm 106 - New Revised Standard Version Catholic Edition". Bible Gateway. Retrieved 2026-03-04.
- ↑ "Bible Gateway passage: Ieremias 29 – Biblia Sacra Vulgata". Bible Gateway. Retrieved 2026-02-17.
- ↑ "Carta ejecutoria: Carta ejecutoria de hidalguia a pedimento de Bernardino de Medrano, Pedro López de Medrano y Francisco de Medrano by Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 1500–1558 , 1552-09-01 · Special Collections and Archives". library.missouri.edu. Retrieved 2025-08-15.
- ↑ 62.0 62.1 Holt, Mack P. (1995). The French Wars of Religion, 1562–1629. Cambridge University Press.
- ↑ G. de Berthier de Savigny, Histoire de France (1977), p. 167.
- ↑ 64.0 64.1 Knecht, Robert J. (2013). The French Civil Wars: 1562–1598. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-5820-9549-6 Search this book on ..
- ↑ "ANONYME – Le soldat Navarrois – 1 v... | Livres et Manuscrits: enchères". drouot.com (in français). Retrieved 2025-11-09.
- ↑ Bourbon Reforms and State Capacity in the Spanish Empire Giorgio Chiovelli, Leopoldo Fergusson, Luis R. Martínez, Juan David Torres, and Felipe Valencia Caicedo March 2024
- ↑ "Juan Domínguez de Mendoza". searchlibrary.sheridancollege.ca. Retrieved 2025-11-23.
- ↑ 68.0 68.1 68.2 "Parte diez y seys de comedias nueuas y escogidas de los meiores ingenios de España".
- ↑ Proyectos, HI Iberia Ingeniería y. "Diego Ros de Medrano". historia-hispanica.rah.es (in español). Retrieved 2026-02-10.
- ↑ Felipe III a Fr. Alofio de Vignancourt, 26 de julio de 1608, Copia de algunos papeles..., s. f. (1609)
- ↑ 71.0 71.1 71.2 71.3 La oligarquía soriana en el marco institucional de los "Doce Linajes..." University of Valladolid. Miguel de Cervantes Virtual Library.
Further reading
- Cifelli, Mario (2013). "Del privado al ministro: modelos y estrategias de legitimación del poder en la corte de Felipe III". La Perinola. 17: 47–78.
- Fernández de Medrano, Juan (1602). República Mista (in español). Imprenta Real. Search this book on
- Fernández de Medrano, Juan (1602). "República mista, dirigida a D. Francisco de Sandoval Duque de Lerma... Parte primera". Biblioteca del Banco de España (in español).
- Fernández de Medrano Zenizeros, Diego (2024-09-01). "Heroic and Flying Fame of Don Luis Méndez de Haro, Count-Duke of Olivares". Archived from the original on 2024-09-01. Retrieved 2025-03-26.
- Fernández de Medrano Zenizeros, Diego. "Mirror of Princes: Crucible of their Virtues, Astonishment of their Failings, Soul of their Government and Government of their Soul". Mirror of Princes.
- Fernández Albaladejo, Pablo (2020). "El debate sobre el privado en la monarquía hispánica (1598–1621): formas de la crítica política en la temprana Edad Moderna". Magallánica: Revista de Historia Moderna. 6 (11): 67–98.
- Guadagnin, Erika (2022). "Capitolo IV. Philosophia Rationalis Naturalis Moralis". La Philosophia nella Grande Galleria (in italiano). Ledizioni. pp. 179–501. ISBN 978-88-5526-928-5. Search this book on
- "Historia Hispánica - Juan Martínez de Medrano". Retrieved 2025-04-07.
- HI Iberia Ingeniería y Proyectos. "Historia Hispánica – Diego Ros de Medrano" (in español). Retrieved 2025-04-11.
- Pinillos Lafuente, Luis (2021). "Tomás Fernández de Medrano, consejero y secretario de Estado y Guerra de los Duques de Saboya, divisero del Solar de Valdeosera" (PDF). Cuadernos de Ayala (87).
- "Inventarios y Bibliotecas del Siglo de Oro – Ficha de edición". Retrieved 2025-03-19.
- "Republica Mista". Retrieved 2025-03-19.
- Loira, Javier Patiño (2017). ""Meddling with Royal Hearts": Interiority and Privanza (1598–1643)". Culture & History Digital Journal.
- López-Asiain, María (2020). "El Palacio Real de Valladolid: Escenario de la Corte de Felipe III". Dossier Ciudades (6).
- Mrozek Eliszezynski, Giuseppe (2018). "The Figure of the Royal Favourite in Spanish Political Treatises of the Early 17th Century" (PDF). Mediterranea: Ricerche Storiche: 397–423.
- Salazar, Fray Juan de (1997). Herrero García, Miguel, ed. Política española. Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales. Search this book on
- Tellez, Diego (2015). "Tomás y Juan Fernández de Medrano: una saga camerana a fines del s. XVI y comienzos del s. XVII". Berceo.
- "Tomás Fernández Medrano". dbe.rah.es. Retrieved 2025-03-19.
- Van Gelderen, Martin (2002). Skinner, Quentin, ed. Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage (PDF). 1. Cambridge University Press. pp. 268, 281. Search this book on
- Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Francisco Javier (2007). "Perfiles del vasallaje en la Navarra bajomedieval". Príncipe de Viana. 68 (250): 469–502. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
External links
- República Mista by Tomás Fernández de Medrano (1602), published in Madrid.
- Heroic and soaring fame of the Most Excellent Lord Don Luis Méndez de Haro by Diego Fernández de Medrano y Zenizeros.
- Mirror of Princes: Crucible of their Virtues, Astonishment of their Failings, Soul of their Government and Government of their Soul by Diego Fernández de Medrano y Zenizeros, Lord of Valdeosera and Sojuela.
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