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Scots Gaelic people

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Scots Gaelic people
Languages
Scots Gaelic, Scottish English,
Scots language (small numbers historically)
Religion
largely Christian
Related ethnic groups

Scots Gaelic people, also known as Scottish Gaelic people, Scots Gaels, Highland Gaels, Highland Scots or Highlanders, are a Gaelic ethnic group native to Scotland who speak the Scottish Gaelic language, a Goidelic language, and share a common history, culture and ancestry.

Highlanders largely descend from two main historical population groups – the Gaelic tribes who migrated across the North Channel to the western seaboard of northern Britain and the Celtic Britons already settled there. They emerged largely from an amalgamation of two Celtic-speaking peoples, the Picts and Gaels, who founded the Kingdom of Scotland (or Alba) in the 9th century.

Remaining a distinct grouping by the 15th and 16th centuries, Highland Scots became a significant minority of the Scottish population, concentrated predominantly to the north and west of the Scottish Highlands. In the 18th and 19th centuries, emigration to former British colonies, such as Canada and the United States, resulted in Scots Gaelic people becoming the dominant ethnic group in settlements such as Cape Breton Island and Nova Scotia.[1][2]

Background[edit]

In the 9th century, an amalgamation of two Celtic-speaking peoples, the Picts and Gaels (which had occured gradually across the previous centuries) resulted in the foundation of the Kingdom of Scotland or the Kingdom of Alba.[3][4] Regarding the Gaelic component of this political merger, Trinity College Dublin's Seán Duffy, a specialist in the history of medieval Ireland, suggests the Dál Riata people migrated back and forth between the Glens of Antrim (north Ireland) to Argyll and the Hebrides (west Scotland) across centuries, and were "not the inhabitants of Ireland per se, but rather the speakers of the Irish language" who subsequently were "regarded by others as Gaels/Scots".[5]

Study of Highlander ethnic group[edit]

A multitude of academics have studied the development of the Scots Gaelic ethnic group, often alongside other native Scottish ethnicities, studying their respective ethnogeneses into the 20th century.[6][7] With a range of scholarship in Scottish and European history, historians Susan Reynolds,[8] Felipe Fernández-Armesto,[9] Colin Kidd,[10] and Steven L. Danver[11] have documented the distinction between Scottish Gaelic people, or Highlanders, in comparison with other ethnic groups native to Scotland, such as Lowland Scottish people.[12] Scholars of geography, inlcuding Donald W. Meinig,[13] and Barry A. Vann,[14] have also published literature which denotes the Scottish Highlanders as a recognisible separate ethnic group, among other native Scottish ethnicities. Sociologist Erik Allardt wrote about the groupings as different and distinguishable from an ethnolinguistic perspective.[15]

A 1974 International Political Science Association stated the following analysis regarding the ethnography in Scotland, as well as Britain and Ireland in general: "The basic ethnic and cultural division in the British Isles has been that between the Anglo-Saxon peoples of England and the Scottish Lowlands and the Celtic peoples of Wales, Ireland and the Scottish Highlands."[16] An expert in indigenous ethnicities, historian Steven L. Danver's 2014 research proposed that Scottish Gaelic people (in comparison with Scottish Lowlanders) had a separate and unique descent:[11]

The people of Scotland are divided into two groups - Lowland Scots in the southern part of the country and Highland Scots in the north - that differ from one another ethnically, culturally, and linguistically ... Lowlanders differ from Highlanders in their ethnic origin. While Highland Scots are of Celtic (Gaelic) descent, Lowland Scots are descended from people of Germanic stock. During the seventh century C.E., settlers of Germanic tribes of Angles moved from Northumbria in present-day northern England and southeastern Scotland to the area around Edinburgh. Their descendants gradually occupied all of the Lowlands.

Research by historian Felipe Fernández-Armesto proposes that Highlanders represent "Celtic neighbours" to the Lowland Scots people, who, in contrast with Highlanders, "share a common origin, a common historic experience" with English people. Fernández-Armesto notes that despite this, Lowlanders and Highlanders have made strategic "common cause" in their respective histories.[9] Barry Vann, a scholar of historical geography, suggests that Gaels in Scotland have had a significant cultural influence upon Scottish Lowlanders (as opposed to English northerners), who, despite developing into separate ethnic groups, have "almost the same ancestors" as the northern English.[14] In relation to ethnogenesis of the Ulster Scots people, Maynooth University's Dennis Graham Pringle has produced research which concurs with this common descent (in relation to the Lowland Scots and English). A political geographer, Pringle proposes that Highland Gaels would have been "comparatively few" among the 'planters' who migrated to northern Ireland from Scotland (during the Plantation of Ulster) and thus had little impact in contributing to any such "Gaelic component in their ethnic composition".[17]

Scots Gaelic control of Scotland[edit]

After a political merger between Pictland and Dál Riata. An amalgamated, Pictish-Gaelic group founded the earliest form of the Scottish nation during the 9th-century. These Scottish Gaels first emerged during the early Middle Ages, when two Celtic-speaking peoples, the Picts and Gaels, created the Kingdom of Scotland (or Kingdom of Alba). University of Dundee's Alan MacDonald, a scholar of early modern Scottish history, has suggested that by the late 16th century Scots Gaels had lost political control of Scotland. This required "propagandists" (in which MacDonald includes George Buchanan) to alter the Gaelic "ethnic national myth" from the lore regarding the origination of Scotland:[18]

There was a myth, included in the Declaration of Arbroath, that the Scots (by implication all of them) were descended from early medieval Irish immigrants, but by the later sixteenth century this legend of origin had been adapted to become the justification of the longevity of the separate existence of the Scottish kingdom and thus the European status of its ruling dynasty, not an ethnic national myth. This was born, at least partially, out of the fact that Scotland's political power centre lay outwith the cultural sphere of the descendants of the original Scots: in the south-east which spoke a language akin to English, rather than the north-west where Gaelic remained dominant. The ethnic national myth could not work for those in power, so it was transformed into an institutional myth ... Although it could be argued that this was ethnically exclusive, since it restricted full membership of the polity to Scots speakers rather than Gaels ... The laws were understood to apply to everyone who was a subject of the king of Scots, regardless of his ethnic group.

Historian Susan Reynolds's research suggests that an obfuscation of the ethnic plurality within the nation has often been necessary since the Middle Ages, in relation to the process of nation building and its political practicalities.[8] By the 16th-century, new terms such as 'trew Scottis' were in use by Scottish orators, such as Blind Harry, in attempts to diminish the growing reality that political power was increasingly controlled by the Lowlander ethnic group, rather than the Scots Gaelic founders of the early Scotland Kingdom.[19]

Michael Newton's research suggests that into the 19th and early 20th centuries, various Scottish intellectual figures, such as notable lecturer Alexander Fraser, were culturally adopting Gaelic traditions for the purposes of a presenting a supposed unitary Scottish ethnicity. A scholar of Scottish Gaelic customs working in St. Francis Xavier University's Celtic Studies department,[20] Newton has observed that "Scots are not a singular ethnic or racial group: the anglophones (of England and the Scottish Lowlands) had been “othering” Gaels as an inferior race for generations". He writes that "Fraser does not acknowledge or explore the Highland-Lowland divide in his anglophone texts; his agenda is to legitimate the participation of all Scots in nation-building".[21] North Carolina State University's Julia Rudolph and historian Colin Kidd have studied this phenomenon. Kidd, a scholar of Scottish history, wrote that "kitsch Gaeldom of the nineteenth century would conveniently obscure the sacrifice of the Highland peasantry on the altars of political economy".[10] Rudolph, a historian of early modern Europe, has written how "the Lowlands constructed political and ecclesiastical myths that drew upon the history of the ancient Gaelic Scots of Dalriada while directing hostile barbs and directing reformist programs aimed at the assimilation of Highland Gaels."[22]

History[edit]

Middle Ages[edit]

Between 1500-1700, Ian Carter's research into this time period discovered no intermarrying between the Scots Gaels and their southern neighbours, the Lowland Scottish. A sociologist at The University of Auckland, Carter suggested there was a "very clear division at the highland line".[23] During this era, research from University of Manitoba's Sean Byrne found that despite Highlanders and Lowlanders remaining ethnically distinct during the 16th century, a "mutual respect existed between these ethnic groups". During the Jacobite rising of 1745, Scots Gaelic people largely rallied to Charles Edward Stuart. A scholar of ethnic conflict, Byrne contrasts the support from the clans of "highland Gaels" against the "lowland Anglo-Saxons" with their provision of "two regiments in the English army to crush the revolt".[24]

Late modern period[edit]

Stuart Macdonald, a Knox College academic focussed on early modern Scottish history, has written the following, regarding multiple Scottish ethnicities:[25]

To speak of Scots as a single ethnic group is also somewhat problematic. It would be more accurate in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to talk of two distinct Scottish ethnic communities divided by language and culture, and, at times, mutual antagonisms – Highlanders and Lowlanders.

In John M. MacKenzie and Tom Devine 's Scotland and the British Empire, Angela McCarthy details separate "Scottish migrant ethnic identities", describing how, by the 19th-century, appropriation of Scots Gaels' customs by Lowlanders was increasingly common.[26] Along these lines of research, historian Matthew Dziennik has studied the gradual co-opting of Highland symbolism by external ethnic groups in Scotland. In 1810, Ranald MacDonald, the owner of Staffa (an island of the Inner Hebrides), was visited by Sir Walter Scott. Said to have influenced Scott and his 1814 novel Waverley, Dziennik, described this visit, which included traditional representation from the MacDonalds (including tartan, bagpipes and armed retainers), as an example of the "role of elite Gaels" in influencing the emergence of "Highlandism" or the process of Lowland Scots people adopting Gaelic customs as their own.[27]

Regions of Highlander migration[edit]

Scottish Lowlands[edit]

In the 19th century, Highland Gaels migrated to urbanised areas of the Scottish Lowlands such as Greenock and Glasgow. Historian Tom Devine has studied how Irish migrants to Scotland were able to preserve their ethnic identity more readily in these urban centres, than the "Highland migrant". Devine, scholar of Scottish history, suggests this was due to Highlander migrants being of a less deprived background, and of a lesser number, than Irish migrants.[28] University of St Andrews's historian Robert Allan Houston has also studied the hardship faced by both "Highlanders and Irish" migrants in Scotland during the 19th century.[29]

North America[edit]

St. Francis Xavier University's Michael Newton's has proposed that Highland Gaels made up a large share of Scottish emigration across the Atlantic. A professor of Celtic Studies, specialising in 'Scottish Highlanders in Scotland and in North America', Newton has written:[30]

"Scottish Gaels – the native population of the Highlands and Western Isles – are a distinctive group within the diaspora and, in particular periods, formed a significant proportion of Scottish emigrants. Although there are features which distinguish particular communities ... Gaels perceived themselves as a cohesive ethnic group in Scotland who contrasted with the people of the Lowlands."

Canada[edit]

Historian Michael Lynch suggests that an "intense ethnic loyalty" among Highland Gaels in Canada contributed to cohesion within their group settlements in places such as Arisaig, Nova Scotia and Grey County, Ontario. Formely part of the Scottish history department at the University of Edinburgh, Lynch notes that Highlanders' broader success in Canadian society, however, correlated with "Anglicization" and their isolation from Gaelic customs.[31]

Between 1802 and 1840, more than 20,000 Scots Gaels arrived in Cape Breton Island.[1] They became the largest ethnic group in Nova Scotia, as a whole, by the mid-nineteenth century.[2] Despite growing demographic dominance, research from the Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain notes that "In reality, however, the Scottish Gaels were but one of many distinct ethnic groups — also including Irish , English and Germans – who established their own ethnic, regional centres within the province".[32]

United States[edit]

Sewanee: The University of the South's anthropologist, Celeste Ray, has suggested that, during the mid-1700s, emirgrants to the American South were comprised of distinct Scottish ethnic groups, including Scottish Gaels (who Ray referred to as "Highland Scots"), and also including "Lowland Scots, and the Scots-Irish (or Ulster Scots), who had settled in Northern Ireland before immigrating to America."[33] In this region, Highlanders tended to settle in homogenous groupings their own ethnicity, as opposed to Lowlanders who settled as individuals, or singular family units, often alongside English settlers.[34] Sociologist Frank van Tubergen has also studied this era of Scottish Highlander migration:[35]

In the 18th century, the US faced large-scale inflows of immigrants from two origins: Ulster (Scots-Irish) and the Scottish Highlands ... The immigrants from these regions of origin, therefore, had deeply ingrained culture of honor values when they arrived in the US in the 18th century. This ethnic-origin condition determined the situation of their members at the moment they entered the US. There is ample evidence that, after their arrival, immigrants from these two groups were using violence more so than other ethnic groups (Roth 2012). Then, ethnic group conditions come into play: immigrants from Ulster and the Scottish Highlands were numerous and they tended to cluster together in certain areas and so did their children.

Scots Gaelic migrants retained their Gaelic language for several generations of settlement, compared with Lowlanders who tended to adjust to American accents and dialects within a generation.[36] Highlanders generally remained loyal to the British Crown for the duration of the American Revolutionary War.[37] According to geographer Donald W. Meinig, Scottish Highlanders' loyalty to the British Crown was largely due to being "grateful for generous land grants" while "still responsive to a clan leadership that was closely entwined in military and adminstrative lines of imperial services".[13]

Oceania[edit]

Australia[edit]

Academic Angela McCarthy has researched separate "Scottish migrant ethnic identities" during different waves of migration from Scotland. McCarthy, a professor at the University of Otago, has discussed research which suggests that Highlanders, as a migrant ethnicity, had particularly violent interactions with indigenous peoples in Australia when compared with other groups of European settlers.[38]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. 1.0 1.1 Don MacGillivray (2008). "Cape Breton and Going Down to the Sea, 1858-82". Captain Alex MacLean: Jack London's Sea Wolf. UBC Press. p. 6. ISBN 978-0774814720. Cape Breton Island, which was barely more than a stone's throw northeast of the Nova Scotia peninsula on Canada's east coast, had a population of around 2,500 in 1801. Then the Gaels arrived. Mostly Gaelic speakers from the Highlands and western islands of Scotland, they formed the dominant ethnic group by the early 1820s. In the late 1820s and early 1830s, more Gaels headed to Cape Breton than to anywhere else in North America. More than 20,000 arrived in Cape Breton between 1802 and 1840, increasing the population to 40,000. Search this book on
  2. 2.0 2.1 Daniel Maudlin (2016). by Daniel Maudlin; Bernard L. Herman, eds. Politics and Place-Making on the Edge of Empire. The University of North Carolina Press. p. 303. However, it was not until the mid-nineteenth century that Scottish Gaels emerged as the dominant ethnic group in Nova Scotia, long after the characteristics of the province's material culture had been established. ... 369 were built for the Scottish families who registered for freehold property; the vast majority of these were of Highland or Scottish Gaelic origin, comparied with thirty-nine English, twenty-four American, seventeen Irish ... Highland Gaels chose to reject their native Scottish housebuilding traditions evolved over millennia and copied the New Englanders. This had practical reasons. Search this book on
  3. Kevin Flude (2010). Divorced, Beheaded, Died . . .: The History of Britain's Kings and Queens in Bite-sized Chunks. Michael O'Mara Books. ISBN 978-1782434634. Eventually, they converged into the kingdom of Pictland. The Picts (derived from the Roman name for 'painted people') were Britons who spoke the Brythonic dialect of Celtic. ... Irish Gaels settled in the west and formed the kingdom of Dal Riata (modern day Argyll, and Bute and Lochaber). ... Scotland emerged when Pictland and Dal Riata came together in the ninth century. Strathclyde was joined to Scotland at around the end of the eleventh century. Search this book on
  4. Keith John Coleman (2022). Áedán of the Gaels: King of the Scots. Pen and Sword Books. p. xvi. ISBN 978-1526794901. On the western side of Britain the 5th century also saw extensive Irish raiding and eventually settlement .... The reasons for Irish colonisation, from Cornwall to Argyll, are complex ... Dál Riata, in western Scotland, was destined to be different, not least because it left a permanent Irish footprint and transformed the entire northern part of Britain into the nation of Scotland. Search this book on
  5. Sean Duffy (2005). The Concise History of Ireland. Gill Books. p. 7. ISBN 978-0717138104. The Goidil were not the inhabitants of Ireland per se, but rather the speakers of the Irish language. And, since the early centuries AD, these included a considerable portion of the population of what is now Scotland. The latter were people from Ireland (known as the Dál Riata) who migrated across the North Channel from the Glens of Antrim and settled in Argyll and the Hebrides, and were, understandably, regarded by others as Gaels/Scots. Search this book on
  6. Roger Daniels (May 2001). "Scots". American Immigration: A Student Companion (Student Companions to American History). Oxford University Press. p. 241. The traditional American image of the Scot is confused and ignores the fact that there were two distinct ethnic groups in Scotland during the colonial period, Lowlanders and Highlanders, who shared a nationality but spoke different languages and practiced different religions. The people of eastern and southern Scotland - the Lowlands - were partly of Teutonic origin and spoke a variety of English. The people of western and northern Scotland - the Highlands - were a Celtic people who had emigrated from Ireland in the 6th century and spoke a variety of Gaelic. Search this book on
  7. Kenneth Christie (1998). "Introduction: The Problem with Ethnicity and 'Tribal' Politics". Ethnic Conflict, Tribal Politics. Routledge. ISBN 978-0700711185. This is least problematic in Scotland, which has long been marked by cultural or 'ethnic' cleavages, between Highlanders and Lowlanders, Gaelic, Scots and English speakers Search this book on
  8. 8.0 8.1 Atsuko Ichijo (2016). "The Uses of History: Why Europe is Good for Scotland". Scottish Nationalism and the Idea of Europe: Concepts of Europe and the Nation (British Politics and Society). Routledge. p. 127. ISBN 978-1138981492. It is interesting to note that the recognition of the Scottish nation being a mixture of many different peoples, not being racially or ethnically pure, has been around since the Middle Ages as discussed in Chapter 1. Moreover, Susan Reynolds argues that it is why the medieval Scots sought to present themselves as one people because it was the only way to claim rightful regal independence. The recognition of the racial and ethnic plurality of the Scottish nation was, according to another historian, one of the reasons why Scotland failed to develop a classical nationalist ideology in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Search this book on
  9. 9.0 9.1 Felipe Fernández-Armesto (1994). "English and Lowland Scots". The Times guide to the peoples of Europe. Times Books. pp. 36–43. ISBN 978-0723006244. In crucial ways the most conspicuous cultural division in British history has not been between the English and Scots but between the English and Lowland Scots on the one hand and their Celtic neighbours on the other. The peoples considered together here share a common origin, a common historic experience ... romantic and nationalistic Scots sentiment when their own highlanders were safely repressed. Even after that, the development of the British empire in the 19th century brought English and Scots together in a common imperial adventure ... In the late Middle Ages, Highlanders and Lowlanders made common cause against England Search this book on
  10. 10.0 10.1 Colin Kidd (1999). "The Gaelic dilemma in early modern Scotland". British Identities Before Nationalism. Cambridge University Press. p. 145. ISBN 978-1139425728. Moreover, the Saxons and Normans provided little in the way of a history of ethnic and national differentiation from England, which was vital to the patriotic assertion that the community of Scotland was distinctive and independent and had never been part of, or subject to, an English imperium. The Flemish contribution to Lowland history tended to be neglected until the work of George Chalmers at the turn of the nineteenth century. There were specific drawbacks to each particular component of the Lowland mosaic. ... Notwithstanding the influence of romantic primitivism, there remained a strong antipathy to the real Highlands. The kitsch Gaeldom of the nineteenth century would conveniently obscure the sacrifice of the Highland peasantry on the altars of political economy. Search this book on
  11. 11.0 11.1 Steven L. Danver (2014). "Groups: Europe". Native Peoples of the World: An Encyclopedia of Groups, Cultures and Contemporary Issues. Routledge. p. 372. ISBN 978-0765682949. Lowlanders differ from Highlanders in their ethnic origin. While Highland Scots are of Celtic (Gaelic) descent, Lowland Scots are descended from people of Germanic stock. Search this book on
  12. Ian Carter (1973). Scottish Studies. 17-19. University of Edinburgh. p. 58. The existence of two ethnic groups - Highlanders and Lowlanders — is characteristic of Scotland in the period with which we are concerned. Search this book on
  13. 13.0 13.1 D. W. Meinig (1995). "Disruption". The Shaping of America: A Geographical Perspective on 500 Years of History, Vol. 2: Continental America, 1800-1867. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300062908. The great majority of Scottish Highlanders appear to have been strong supporters of the Crown despite the long and still-fresh legacy of punishments inflicted upon their homeland in the struggles within the older English empire. They were very largely recent emigrants, grateful for generous land grants, still responsive to a clan leadership that was closely entwined in military and adminstrative lines of imperial services. On the other hand , Scottish Lowlanders were conspicuous as loyalists because so many were agents of mercantile houses ... probably exaggerates the loyalist proclivities of this ethnic group, for there were a good many other Lowlanders ... scattered through the colonies who ended up on the opposide side. In striking contrast was the fact that the Scotch-Irish were almost entirely aligned with the Americans. These Ulstermen, whose very ethnicity was a by-product of a drastic English imperial program had little reason for allegiance ... to English lords and rulers. Search this book on
  14. 14.0 14.1 Barry Vann (2004). Rediscovering the South's Celtic Heritage. Overmountain Press. p. 11. ISBN 978-1570722691. Though the northern English and Lowland Scots are uniquely different ethnic groups, they have almost the same ancestors. The Irish Gaels, however, were a stronger cultural force upon the Lowland Scots than they were upon the northern English. Search this book on
  15. Erik Allardt (2020). "Changes in the Nature of Ethnicity: From the Primordial to the Organizational". In Mustafa O Attir. Directions Of Change & Modernization Theory, Research, And Realities. Routledge. ISBN 978-0367168513. The Lowland Scots who speak Scottish and are clearly distinguished from the Gaels of the Scottish Highlands are in many contexts counted among the linguistic minorities. Search this book on
  16. Round Tables: Documents de travail/Working papers. International Political Science Association. 1974. Search this book on
  17. Dennis Graham Pringle (1985). One Island, Two Nations?: Political Geographical Analysis of the National Conflict in Ireland. Wiley–Blackwell. ISBN 978-0838756409. Comparatively few of the Scots who migrated to Ulster would have had a strong Gaelic component in their ethnic composition. Northern Ireland Protestants, like lowland Scots, consequently are ethnically more similar to the English than they are to people living in the rest of Ireland Search this book on
  18. Alan MacDonald (2005). "Statehood, Nationhood and Treason in Early Modern Scotland". In Linas Eriksonas; Leos Müller. Statehood Before and Beyond Ethnicity: Minor States in Northern and Eastern Europe, 1600-2000. Peter Lang. pp. 88–92. The turmoil of the middle of the sixteenth century saw the deposition of a monarch, Queen Mary (1542-67) ... Those who staged the coup were well aware that they would need to provide legal justification ... George Buchanan was the foremost propagandist in this effort ... This was the culmination of a process by which an essentially ethnic origin myth, firmly identifying the nation with its Gaelic past, was transformed. Part of that myth, the supposedly unbroken line of over one hundred kings stretching back into the fourth century BC, was retained but repackaged, while the emphasis on a single ethnic group disappeared. Search this book on
  19. Rebecca Boorsma (2011). "Women of Independence". In Edward J Cowan; Lizanne Henderson. A History of Everyday Life in Medieval Scotland (A History of Everyday Life in Scotland). Edinburgh University Press. p. 172. ISBN 978-0748621576. Harry used such phrases as ... 'trew Scottis' to display how Scotland could 'over-come the ethnic, linguistic, and political differences which had the potential to divide Scotland and make it vulnerable to English agression'. Search this book on
  20. Michael Newton (May 2009). "Identity and Ethnicity". Warriors of the Word: The World of the Scottish Highlanders. Birlinn. This chapter explores the dominant dimensions of identity in Gaeldom and discusses how notions of ethnicity informed relations and perceptions between Gaels and others during the course of Scottish history ... Mutual suspicions and antagonisms that persisted between Highlanders and Lowlanders ... On the other hand, there is also suggestion in Gaelic tradition that as the ethnic core of Scotland, they could form common cause with Lowlanders and regain the status they once enjoyed. Highland advocates of Jacobitism played up such aspirations. Search this book on
  21. Michael Newton (2020). "Gaelic Heroes of the True North: Alexander Fraser's Literary Interventions in Canadian Gaeldom". In Natasha Sumner; Aidan Doyle. North American Gaels: Speech, Story, and Song in the Diaspora. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 978-0228003793. Search this book on
  22. Julia Rudolph (1978). History And Nation (Apercus: Histories Texts Cultures; A Bucknell Series). Bucknell University Press. ISBN 978-0405110764. Search this book on
  23. Scotia. 17. Old Dominion University. 1993. p. 12. In the 19th and 20th century there was not in Scotland one ethnic group: there were three and they had very different histories and interests. The Reformation changed lowland Scotland but the highlands remained feudal, Roman Catholic and Gaelic-speaking. Sociologist Ian Carter's work on the marriage patterns of leading Scottish families between 1500 and 1700 shows a very clear division at the highland line: highland families inter-married with highland families rather than with lowlanders. Search this book on
  24. Sean Byrne (1997). "The Historical World of Children in Belfast". Growing Up In A Divided Society: The Influence of Conflict on Belfast Schoolchildren. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. pp. 25–26. ISBN 978-0838636558. By the turn of the sixteenth century the power of the Stuart dynasty held sway in the lowlands of Scotland ... Commercial trading and contact with the rest of Europe turned the lowland Scots into sophisticated, modern, and Europeanized citizens, while their highland neighbors to the north eked out a frugal existence. However, a mutual respect existed between these ethnic groups, with the lowlander viewing the native highlander as distinctively primitive but friendly. ... The 1745 uprising by Bonnie Prince Charlie Stuart was supported by the highland Gaels, while the lowland Anglo-Saxons provided two regiments in the English army to crush the revolt. Search this book on
  25. Stuart Macdonald (2008). "Presbyterian and Reformed Christians and Ethnicity". In Paul Bramadat; David Seljak. Christianity and Ethnicity in Canada. University of Toronto Press. p. 176. ISBN 978-0802095848. Search this book on
  26. John M. MacKenzie; Tom Devine (2016). Scotland and the British Empire (Oxford History of the British Empire Companion Series). Oxford University Press. p. 135. ISBN 978-0198794622. Yet, as with Highland migrants, language was an important element of the ethnic identification of some Lowland Scots. While the Gaelic language and kilts are often associated with the Highlands, developments in the nineteenth century saw the appropriation by Lowlanders of Highland symbols. Search this book on
  27. Matthew P. Dziennik (2015). "The Soldier and Highland Culture". The Fatal Land: War, Empire, and the Highland Soldier in British America. Yale University Press. p. 205. ISBN 978-0300196726. So successful had Highland commentators been in portraying the region as a repository of martial virtue that it proved easy for non-Gaels to adopt Highland symbolism. The name of Sir Walter Scott is synonymous with the creation of Highlandism. In order to demonstrate Scottish utility within the Union, Lowland Scots began to adopt the trappings of Highland culture, co-opting tartan and martial imagery and presenting themselves as noble savages. Scottish historians have long poured Scorn on Scott's romantic misrepresnation of Highland culture and have understood this as one of the many forms of cultural imperialism forced upon Gaeldom in the century after Culloden. What is forgotten is the role of elite Gaels within this process. It is known, for example, that Scott was deeply affected by the visit he paid to Ranald Macdonald of Staffa in 1810, where Scott was welcomed by armed retainers, bagpipes, and musketry, four years before the publication of his famous Highland novel Waverly. Search this book on
  28. Tom Devine (2013). "The Intervention of the State". Clanship to Crofters' War: The social transformation of the Scottish Highlands. Manchester University Press. p. 248. ISBN 978-0719090769. The Highland migrant experience was markedly different. Some sense of ethnic identity was preserved through the formation of Gaelic churches and Highland societies ... Over time too a sense of ethnicity was diluted by the erosion of Gaelic speech, intermarriage and by the scattered distribution of Highlands within the urban areas ... The Irish also had their social disparities but they were much more homogenous and hence more easily united around religious faith and ethnicity ... But the Highlanders were more easily absorbed. Many came from a less deprived economic background than the catholic Irish and there were also far fewer of them. At the census of 1851 there 16,534 Highland-born in Glasgow but over 60,000 Irish Search this book on
  29. Robert Allan Houston (2009). "Society". Scotland: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 95. ISBN 978-0199230792. In their ambivalence towards Highlanders in the 18th century, and to Highlanders and Irish in the 19th, Lowland Scots displayed a sense of racial identity that the English lacked... The fact that Scotland never had a single (or even a simple) ethnic background meant that efforts to create nationalism on the continental model were doomed. Lowlanders' partly shared identity with the English meant that most Scots tended enthusiastically to endorse Union Search this book on
  30. Michael Newton (2014). "The Gaelic Diaspora in North America". In Murray Stewart Leith; Duncan Sim. The Modern Scottish Diaspora: Contemporary Debates and Perspectives. Edinburgh University Press. p. 136. Scottish Gaels - the native population of the Highlands and Western Isles - are a distinctive group within the diaspora and, in particular periods, formed a significant proportion of Scottish emigrants. Search this book on
  31. Michael Lynch (2011). The Oxford Companion to Scottish History. Oxford University Press. p. 68-69. ISBN 978-0199693054. Scottish success was repeated in the following generation, fuelled by the provision of training and by intense ethnic loyalty ... Such a putting down of roots is evident in the case of the new Highland communities in places such as Arisaig, Nova Scotia or McIntyre's Corners in Grey County, Ontario. Where there was significant group settlement, Highlanders were able ... 'to reproduce and foster community characteristics that were most important' to a Gaelic people ... Depending on the degree of isolation, particularly from the Anglicizing force of the public educational system, Canadian Highlanders largely ceased teaching the *Gaelic language to their children, in Ontario in the 1880s and in Cape Breton in the 1930s. To a large extent, those Gaels successful in the mainstream were isolated from their geographic and cultural origins ... Within the Gaelic settlements in Canada, the fiddling tradion and step dancing were one element of Gaelic culture which survived the period of Anglicization. Search this book on
  32. Architectural History. 50. Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain. 2007. p. 96-121. In reality, however, the Scottish Gaels were but one of many distinct ethnic groups — also including Irish , English and Germans – who established their own ethnic, regional centres within the province ... 'Improvement' was 'infamous' from the perspective of the Scottish Highlands and Scottish Gaels, but for the Lowland Scots and the English alike, it was a triumph of modernity and civilization over feudalism and perceived barbarity. Search this book on
  33. Celeste Ray (2007). "Europeans". The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Volume 6: Ethnicity (The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture, 6). The University of North Carolina Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0807858233. Scottish immigrants to the South were members of three distinct ethnic groups: Highland Scots, Lowland Scots, and the Scots-Irish (or Ulster Scots), who had settled in Northern Ireland before immigrating to America. Search this book on
  34. Celeste Ray (2001). "Scottish Heritage and Revival". Highland Heritage: Scottish Americans in the American South. The University of North Carolina Press. p. 46. ISBN 978-0807849132. Lowland Scots tended to settle more as individuals along the coast with the English. For reasons previously discussed, Highlanders tended to settle together Search this book on
  35. Frank van Tubergen (2020). "Immigration and integration". Introduction to Sociology. Routledge. p. 385. ISBN 978-0815353850. Search this book on
  36. Rebecca Mark; Rob C. Vaughan, eds. (2004). "Ethnicity". The South: The Greenwood Encyclopedia of American Regional Cultures. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 133. ISBN 978-0313327346. Highlanders often retained Gaelic for several generations, while the Lowland Broad Scots often gave way within a generation to more American, upwardly mobile accents and dialects. Search this book on
  37. Merril D. Smith (2004). "Economics and Work: Immigration". The World of the American Revolution [2 volumes]: A Daily Life Encyclopedia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 125. ISBN 978-1440830273. Yet Lowland Scots, many of whom were merchants deeply involved in the British economy, were overrepresented among loyalists, and Highland Scots may have been the only ethnic group that generally supported the British. Search this book on
  38. Angela McCarthy (2016). John M. MacKenzie; Tom Devine, eds. Scotland and the British Empire (Oxford History of the British Empire Companion Series). Oxford University Press. p. 135-138. ISBN 978-0198794622. Indeed, 'Researchers who concentrate or study one ethnic group at a time do not see how widespread and common such values are.' ... Yet within broader historiography of Scottish migration and identity, little work examines their contract with indigenous cultures, though there are studies of particular components of the Scottish migrant group - Highlanders - engaging with indigenous peoples in Australia and Canada, often highlighting violence and brutality or parallel experiences of cross-cultural encounters. Yet not all encounters represented exploitation on the part of migrants. ... Yet, as with Highland migrants, language was an important element of the ethnic identification of some Lowland Scots. While the Gaelic language and kilts are often associated with the Highlands, developments in the nineteenth century saw the appropriation by Lowlanders of Highland symbols. Search this book on </}}


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