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Western Sahara

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Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic

  • República Árabe Saharaui Democrática  (Spanish) الجمهورية العربية الصحراوية الديمقراطية (Arabic)
Flag of Western Sahara
Flag
Coat of arms of Western Sahara
Coat of arms
Motto: الحرية والديمقراطية والوحدة
"Libertad, Democracia, Unidad" (Spanish)
"Liberty, Democracy, Unity"
Anthem: Yā Banīy As-Saharā
¡Oh hijos del Sáhara! (Spanish)
O fils du Sahara! (French)

Oh Sons of the Sahara
Western Sahara in dark green
Western Sahara in dark green
Map of Western Sahara
Map of Western Sahara
Capital
and
Laayoune
Official languages
Spoken
languages[3]
Religion
Islam
Demonym(s)
GovernmentUnitary one-party semi-presidential republic
• President
Brahim Ghali
Mohamed Wali Akeik
LegislatureSahrawi National Council
Establishment
• Western Sahara relinquished by Spain
November 14, 1975
• Republic declared
February 27, 1976
• Unification of Western Sahara and end of Moroccan occupation
March 14, 2021
Area
• Total
266,000 km2 (103,000 sq mi) (83rd)
• Water (%)
Negligible
Population
• September 2010 estimate
567,402 (182nd)
• Density
0.37 or 1.9/km2 (1.0 or 4.9/sq mi) (236th)
GDP (PPP)estimate
• Per capita
Unknown
CurrencySahrawi peseta
Time zoneUTC (WAT +1)
Driving sideright
ISO 3166 codeEH
Internet TLD.eh

Western Sahara , commonly known as the Saharawi Republic, SADR, Saharawiland, and Western Saharan Republic, and officially known as the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic, is a country located in the Mahgreb region in the Sahara. Its capital and largest city is Laayoune, with Tirifati as its former capital. Morocco occupied two-thirds of the area from 1990 to 2021 after the Western Sahara War to the end of the Guerguerat crisis and the UN-sponsored 2021 Western Sahara referendum. In that time, the SADR was an unrecognized state whose capital was the then-oasis village Tirifati, and an exiled government in Tindouf, Algeria. Morocco still does not have diplomatic relations with either Algeria nor Western Sahara.

After Spain decolonized Western Sahara in 1975, it was divided between Morocco and Mauritania, which at the time, claimed the entirety of the territory, as did Morocco. Mauritania abandoned all claims in 1979, and the Western Sahara War would go until 1991. Morocco had gained control of the regions two largest cities, Laayoune and Dakhla. The SADR moved first to Tindouf, and the to Tirifati. Until 2021, there was no fighting in the so-called berm, dividing the Moroccan occupied territory and the liberated areas controlled by the SADR. After tensions arose in October 2020, Morocco launched an offensive near Guerguerat. The SADR declared war the next day, and the clashes lasted until March 2021. The United Nations sponsored referendum was successful, and Morocco, under international pressure, withdrew from the area and abandoned all claims to Western Sahara on March 14, and on March 15, recognized the SADR.

Etymology[edit]

The name Sahrawi derives from the romanization of the Arabic word Ṣaḥrāwī صحراوي, meaning "Inhabitant of the Desert". The word Ṣaḥrāwī صحراوي then is derived from the Arabic word Ṣaḥrā' (صحراء), meaning desert.

History[edit]

Early history[edit]

The earliest known inhabitants of Western Sahara were the Gaetuli. Depending on the century, Roman-era sources describe the area as inhabited by Gaetulian Autololes or the Gaetulian Daradae tribes. Berber heritage is still evident from regional and place-name toponymy, as well as from tribal names.

Other early inhabitants of Western Sahara may be the Bafour[4] and later the Serer. The Bafour were later replaced or absorbed by Berber-speaking populations, which eventually merged in turn with the migrating Beni Ḥassān Arab tribes.

The arrival of Islam in the 8th century played a major role in the development of the Maghreb region. Trade developed further, and the territory may have been one of the routes for caravans, especially between Marrakesh and Tombouctou in Mali.

In the 11th century, the Maqil Arabs (fewer than 200 individuals) settled in Morocco (mainly in the Draa River valley, between the Moulouya River, Tafilalt and Taourirt).[5] Towards the end of the Almohad Caliphate, the Beni Hassan, a sub-tribe of the Maqil, were called by the local ruler of the Sous to quell a rebellion; they settled in the Sous Ksours and controlled such cities as Taroudant.[5] During Marinid dynasty rule, the Beni Hassan rebelled but were defeated by the Sultan and escaped beyond the Saguia el-Hamra dry river.[5][6] The Beni Hassan then were at constant war with the Lamtuna nomadic Berbers of the Sahara. Over roughly five centuries, through a complex process of acculturation and mixing seen elsewhere in the Maghreb and North Africa, some of the indigenous Berber tribes mixed with the Maqil Arab tribes and formed a culture unique to Morocco and Mauritania.[citation needed]

Spanish province[edit]

Western Sahara 1876

While initial Spanish interest in the Sahara was focused on using it as a port for the slave trade, by the 1700s Spain had transitioned economic activity on the Saharan coast towards commercial fishing.[7] After an agreement among the European colonial powers at the Berlin Conference in 1884 on the division of spheres of influence in Africa, Spain seized control of Western Sahara and established it as a Spanish colony.[8] After 1939 and the outbreak of World War II, this area was administered by Spanish Morocco. As a consequence, Ahmed Belbachir Haskouri, the Chief of Cabinet, General Secretary of the Government of Spanish Morocco, cooperated with the Spanish to select governors in that area. The Saharan lords who were already in prominent positions, such as the members of Maa El Ainain family, provided a recommended list of candidates for new governors. Together with the Spanish High Commissioner, Belbachir selected from this list.[citation needed] During the annual celebration of Muhammad's birthday, these lords paid their respects to the caliph to show loyalty to the Moroccan monarchy.[citation needed]

Spanish and French protectorates in Morocco and Spanish Sahara, 1912.

As time went by, Spanish colonial rule began to unravel with the general wave of decolonization after World War II; former North African and sub-Saharan African possessions and protectorates gained independence from European powers. Spanish decolonization proceeded more slowly, but internal political and social pressures for it in mainland Spain built up towards the end of Francisco Franco's rule. There was a global trend towards complete decolonization. Spain began rapidly to divest itself of most of its remaining colonial possessions. By 1974–75 the government issued promises of a referendum on independence in Western Sahara.

At the same time, Morocco and Mauritania, which had historical and competing claims of sovereignty over the territory, argued that it had been artificially separated from their territories by the European colonial powers. Algeria, which also bordered the territory, viewed their demands with suspicion, as Morocco also claimed the Algerian provinces of Tindouf and Béchar. After arguing for a process of decolonization to be guided by the United Nations, the Algerian government under Houari Boumédiènne in 1975 committed to assisting the Polisario Front, which opposed both Moroccan and Mauritanian claims and demanded full independence of Western Sahara.

The UN attempted to settle these disputes through a visiting mission in late 1975, as well as a verdict from the International Court of Justice (ICJ). It acknowledged that Western Sahara had historical links with Morocco and Mauritania, but not sufficient to prove the sovereignty of either State over the territory at the time of the Spanish colonization. The population of the territory thus possessed the right of self-determination. On 6 November 1975 Morocco initiated the Green March into Western Sahara; 350,000 unarmed Moroccans converged on the city of Tarfaya in southern Morocco and waited for a signal from King Hassan II of Morocco to cross the border in a peaceful march. A few days before, on 31 October, Moroccan troops invaded Western Sahara from the north.[9]

Demands for independence[edit]

System of the Moroccan Walls in Western Sahara set up in the 1980s
Commemoration of the 30th independence day from Spain in the Liberated Territories (2005)

In the waning days of General Franco's rule, and after the Green March, the Spanish government signed a tripartite agreement with Morocco and Mauritania as it moved to transfer the territory on 14 November 1975. The accords were based on a bipartite administration, and Morocco and Mauritania each moved to annex the territories, with Morocco taking control of the northern two-thirds of Western Sahara as its Southern Provinces, and Mauritania taking control of the southern third as Tiris al-Gharbiyya. Spain terminated its presence in Spanish Sahara within three months, repatriating Spanish remains from its cemeteries.[10]

The Moroccan and Mauritanian annexations were resisted by the Polisario Front, which had gained backing from Algeria.[11] It initiated guerrilla warfare and, in 1979, Mauritania withdrew due to pressure from Polisario, including a bombardment of its capital and other economic targets. Morocco extended its control to the rest of the territory. It gradually contained the guerrillas by setting up the extensive sand-berm in the desert (known as the Border Wall or Moroccan Wall) to exclude guerrilla fighters.[12][13] Hostilities ceased in a 1991 cease-fire, overseen by the peacekeeping mission MINURSO, under the terms of a UN Settlement Plan.

Stalling of the referendum and Settlement Plan[edit]

The referendum, originally scheduled for 1992, foresaw giving the local population the option between independence or affirming integration with Morocco, but it quickly stalled. In 1997, the Houston Agreement attempted to revive the proposal for a referendum but likewise has hitherto not had success. As of 2010, negotiations over terms have not resulted in any substantive action. At the heart of the dispute lies the question of who qualifies to be registered to participate in the referendum, and, since about the year 2000, Morocco considers that since there is no agreement on persons entitled to vote, a referendum is not possible. Meanwhile, Polisario still insisted on a referendum with independence as a clear option, without offering a solution to the problem of who is qualified to be registered to participate in it.

Both sides blame each other for the stalling of the referendum. The Polisario has insisted on only allowing those found on the 1974 Spanish Census lists (see below) to vote, while Morocco has insisted that the census was flawed by evasion and sought the inclusion of members of Sahrawi tribes that escaped from Spanish invasion to the north of Morocco by the 19th century.

Efforts by the UN special envoys to find a common ground for both parties did not succeed. By 1999 the UN had identified about 85,000 voters, with nearly half of them in the Moroccan-controlled parts of Western Sahara or Southern Morocco, and the others scattered between the Tindouf refugee camps, Mauritania and other places of exile. Polisario accepted this voter list, as it had done with the previous list presented by the UN (both of them originally based on the Spanish census of 1974), but Morocco refused and, as rejected voter candidates began a mass-appeals procedure, insisted that each application be scrutinized individually. This again brought the process to a halt.

According to a NATO delegation, MINURSO election observers stated in 1999, as the deadlock continued, that "if the number of voters does not rise significantly the odds were slightly on the SADR side".[14] By 2001, the process had effectively stalemated and the UN Secretary-General asked the parties for the first time to explore other, third-way solutions. Indeed, shortly after the Houston Agreement (1997), Morocco officially declared that it was "no longer necessary" to include an option of independence on the ballot, offering instead autonomy. Erik Jensen, who played an administrative role in MINURSO, wrote that neither side would agree to a voter registration in which they were destined to lose (see Western Sahara: Anatomy of a Stalemate).

Baker Plan[edit]

As personal envoy of the Secretary-General, James Baker visited all sides and produced the document known as the "Baker Plan".[15] This was discussed by the United Nations Security Council in 2000, and envisioned an autonomous Western Sahara Authority (WSA), which would be followed after five years by the referendum. Every person present in the territory would be allowed to vote, regardless of birthplace and with no regard to the Spanish census. It was rejected by both sides, although it was initially derived from a Moroccan proposal. According to Baker's draft, tens of thousands of post-annexation immigrants from Morocco proper (viewed by Polisario as settlers but by Morocco as legitimate inhabitants of the area) would be granted the vote in the Sahrawi independence referendum, and the ballot would be split three ways by the inclusion of an unspecified "autonomy", further undermining the independence camp. Morocco was also allowed to keep its army in the area and retain control over all security issues during both the autonomy years and the election. In 2002, the Moroccan king stated that the referendum idea was "out of date" since it "cannot be implemented";[16] Polisario retorted that that was only because of the King's refusal to allow it to take place.

In 2003, a new version of the plan was made official, with some additions spelling out the powers of the WSA, making it less reliant on Moroccan devolution. It also provided further detail on the referendum process in order to make it harder to stall or subvert. This second draft, commonly known as Baker II, was accepted by the Polisario as a "basis of negotiations" to the surprise of many.[17] This appeared to abandon Polisario's previous position of only negotiating based on the standards of voter identification from 1991 (i.e. the Spanish census). After that, the draft quickly garnered widespread international support, culminating in the UN Security Council's unanimous endorsement of the plan in the summer of 2003.

End of the 2000s[edit]

Baker resigned his post at the United Nations in 2004; his term did not see the crisis resolved.[18] His resignation followed several months of failed attempts to get Morocco to enter into formal negotiations on the plan, but he met with rejection. The new king, Mohammed VI of Morocco, opposes any referendum on independence, and has said Morocco will never agree to one: "We shall not give up one inch of our beloved Sahara, not a grain of its sand."[19]

Instead, he proposes, through an appointed advisory body Royal Advisory Council for Saharan Affairs (CORCAS), a self-governing Western Sahara as an autonomous community within Morocco. His father, Hassan II of Morocco, initially supported the referendum idea in principle in 1982, and signed contracts with Polisario and the UN in 1991 and 1997. No major powers have expressed interest in forcing the issue, however, and Morocco has shown little interest in a real referendum.

The UN has put forth no replacement strategy after the breakdown of Baker II, and renewed fighting has been raised as a possibility. In 2005, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan reported increased military activity on both sides of the front and breaches of several cease-fire provisions against strengthening military fortifications.

Morocco has repeatedly tried to get Algeria into bilateral negotiations, based on its view of Polisario as the cat's paw of the Algerian military. It has received vocal support from France and occasionally (and currently) from the United States. These negotiations would define the exact limits of a Western Sahara autonomy under Moroccan rule but only after Morocco's "inalienable right" to the territory was recognized as a precondition to the talks. The Algerian government has consistently refused, claiming it has neither the will nor the right to negotiate on the behalf of the Polisario Front.

Demonstrations and riots by supporters of independence or a referendum broke out in the Moroccan-controlled parts of Western Sahara in May 2005 and in parts of southern Morocco (notably the town of Assa). They were met by police. Several international human rights organizations expressed concern at what they termed abuse by Moroccan security forces, and a number of Sahrawi activists have been jailed. Pro-independence Sahrawi sources, including the Polisario, have given these demonstrations the name "Independence Intifada", while most sources have tended to see the events as being of limited importance. International press and other media coverage have been sparse, and reporting is complicated by the Moroccan government's policy of strictly controlling independent media coverage within the territory.

A demonstration in Madrid for the independence of Western Sahara.

Demonstrations and protests still occur, even after Morocco declared in February 2006 that it was contemplating a plan for devolving a limited variant of autonomy to the territory but still explicitly refused any referendum on independence. As of January 2007, the plan had not been made public, though the Moroccan government claimed that it was more or less complete.[20]

Polisario has intermittently threatened to resume fighting, referring to the Moroccan refusal of a referendum as a breach of the cease-fire terms, but most observers seem to consider armed conflict unlikely without the green light from Algeria, which houses the Sahrawis' refugee camps and has been the main military sponsor of the movement.

In April 2007, the government of Morocco suggested that a self-governing entity, through the Royal Advisory Council for Saharan Affairs (CORCAS), should govern the territory with some degree of autonomy for Western Sahara. The project was presented to the UN Security Council in mid-April 2007. The stalemating of the Moroccan proposal options has led the UN in the recent "Report of the UN Secretary-General" to ask the parties to enter into direct and unconditional negotiations to reach a mutually accepted political solution.[21]

The 2010s[edit]

A MINURSO car (left), and a post of the Polisario Front (right) in 2017 in southern Western Sahara

In October 2010 Gadaym Izik camp was set up near Laayoune as a protest by displaced Sahrawi people about their living conditions. It was home to more than 12,000 people. In November 2010 Moroccan security forces entered Gadaym Izik camp in the early hours of the morning, using helicopters and water cannon to force people to leave. The Polisario Front said Moroccan security forces had killed a 26-year-old protester at the camp, a claim denied by Morocco. Protesters in Laayoune threw stones at police and set fire to tires and vehicles. Several buildings, including a TV station, were also set on fire. Moroccan officials said five security personnel had been killed in the unrest.[22]

On 15 November 2010, the Moroccan government accused the Algerian secret services of orchestrating and financing the Gadaym Izik camp with the intent to destabilize the region. The Spanish press was accused of mounting a campaign of disinformation to support the Sahrawi initiative, and all foreign reporters were either prevented from traveling or else expelled from the area.[23] The protest coincided with a fresh round of negotiations at the UN.[24]

In 2016, the European Union (EU) declared that "Western Sahara is not part of Moroccan territory."[25] In March 2016, Morocco "expelled more than 70 U.N. civilian staffers with MINURSO" due to strained relations after Ban Ki-moon called Morocco's annexation of Western Sahara an "occupation".[26]

The 2020s[edit]

In November 2020, the ceasefire between the Polisario Front and Morocco broke down, leading to armed clashes between both sides.

On 10 December 2020, the United States announced that it would recognize full Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara in exchange for Morocco establishing relations with Israel.[27][28][29]

On March 10, 2020, an agreement was signed between the SADR (Polisario Front), Morocco, Algeria, France, Mauritania, the United States, and Spain. The agreement acknowledged Saharawi independence, gave Polisario total control of Western Sahara, banned French and Algerian claims or intervention in the area, Morocco was to withdraw, and the Nouadhibou peninsula was returned to Mauritania. The withdrawal was completed on 14 March. A UN-sponsored referendum was passed, affirming Saharawi independence, condemned Moroccan Human Rights violations in the area, and admitted Western Sahara.

A Moroccan police checkpoint in the suburbs of Laayoune

Human rights[edit]

A sangar (fortification) from the Western Sahara conflict. The fortification is built of rocks on top of a mesa overlooking the Grart Chwchia, Al Gada, Western Sahara. The Sangar is facing north and was probably built by the Sahrawis in the 1980s.
Sahrawi human rights defender Ali Salem Tamek in Ait Meloul Prison, Morocco[30]

The Western Sahara conflict has resulted in severe human-rights abuses, constantly reported by external reporters and HR activists,[31] most notably the displacement of tens of thousands of Sahrawi civilians from the country, the expulsion of tens of thousands of Moroccan civilians by the Algerian government from Algeria,[32] and numerous casualties of war and repression.

During the war years (1975–1991), both sides accused each other of targeting civilians. Moroccan claims of Polisario terrorism has generally little to no support abroad, with the US, EU, AU and UN all refusing to include the group on their lists of terrorist organizations. Polisario leaders maintain that they are ideologically opposed to terrorism, and insist that collective punishment and forced disappearances among Sahrawi civilians[33] should be considered state terrorism on the part of Morocco.[34] Both Morocco and the Polisario additionally accuse each other of violating the human rights of the populations under their control, in the Moroccan-controlled parts of Western Sahara and the Tindouf refugee camps in Algeria, respectively. Morocco and organizations such as France Libertés consider Algeria to be directly responsible for any crimes committed on its territory, and accuse the country of having been directly involved in such violations.[35]

Morocco has been repeatedly criticized for its actions in Western Sahara by international human rights organizations including:

The POLISARIO has received criticism from the French organization France Libertes on its treatment of Moroccan prisoners of war,[57] and on its general behaviour in the Tindouf refugee camps in reports by the Belgian commercial counseling society ESISC.[58][59] Social anthropologist of the Sahara Desert, Konstantina Isidoros, said that in both 2005 and 2008, ESISC issued two near-identical reports proclaiming distorted truths that Polisario is evolving to new fears terrorism,[clarification needed] radical Islamism or international crime. According Isidoros "lies appear to play some peculiar importance in this report".[60][clarification needed] Jacob Mundi[61] considers this report as a part of the Moroccan propaganda designed to discredit the Polisario Front.[62]

A number of former Polisario officials who have defected to Morocco accuse the organisation of abuse of human rights and sequestration of the population in Tindouf.[63][64]

Administrative divisions[edit]

Sahrawi national police

Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic[edit]

Moroccan regions and provinces[edit]

Three Moroccan regions were within or partly within Western Sahara:

Morocco controled territory to the west of the berm (border wall) until 2021 while the Sahrawi Republic controls territory to the east.

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  57. "The Conditions of Detentions of the Moroccan POWs Detained in Tindouf (Algeria)" (PDF). 11 December 2005. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 December 2005. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  58. "The Polisario Front and the IRA – Two approaches to the process of negotiation". Esisc.net. Archived from the original on 18 September 2011. Retrieved 13 November 2011. Unknown parameter |url-status= ignored (help)
  59. ESISC is a Brussels-based commercial firm in the domain of counselling, including among its clients the Moroccan embassy in Belgium
  60. Konstantina Isidoros. Western Sahara and the United States' geographical imaginings Archived 27 August 2017 at the Wayback Machine // ACAS Concerned Africa Scholars, BULLETIN N°85 – SPRING 2010
  61. Jacob Mundy – Assistant Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Colgate Universit
  62. Jacob Mundi. Failed States. Ungoverned Areas, and Safe Havens: The Terrorization of the Western Sahara Peace Process // Fonkem Achankeng. Nationalism and Intra-State Conflicts in the Postcolonial World. Lexington Books, 2015, ISBN 1498500269 Search this book on ., 9781498500265. Pp.139–140. "Decades later, substitute "'Al-Qaeda" for "Communism" and the discourse is essentially the same. One of the first major salvos in the Moroccan offensive to link Polisario to Al-Qaeda was a series of think tank reports paid for by the royal palace (Moniquet, 2005, 2008). When a Moroccan newsmagazine, Le Journal hebdomadaire (9 December 2005), dared expose the fact that the European Strategic Intelligence and Security Institute was being paid to tar and feather Polisario, thus began the regime's successful five-year campaign to drive one of the few independent media voices out of existence. Morocco even enlisted its academic voices to aid in the terrorization of the Western Sahara peace process by linking Al-Qaeda to Polisario. "
  63. "Quatrème Commission: Le Maroc rest attaché au plan de règlement et a la tenue d'un référendum transparent au Sahara Occidental". United Nations. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  64. "Report: Clan wars and unavoidable scission in Tindouf, defectors". Arabicnews.com. Archived from the original on 14 October 2013. Retrieved 12 May 2012. Unknown parameter |url-status= ignored (help)