Ataturk
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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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![]() Atatürk, c. 1930 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| President of Turkey | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| In office 29 October 1923 – 10 November 1938 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Prime Minister | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Preceded by | Office established | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Born | Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa[lower-alpha 1] c. 1881 Salonica, Ottoman Empire | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Died | 10 November 1938 (aged 57) Istanbul, Turkey | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Resting place | Anıtkabir, Ankara[lower-alpha 2] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Template:Atatürk sidebarMustafa Kemal Atatürk[lower-alpha 5] (c. 1881[lower-alpha 6] – 10 November 1938) was a Turkish field marshal and statesperson who was the founder of the Republic of Turkey—after the fall of its predecessor, the Ottoman Empire—and served as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He led sweeping reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist, republican and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism. Atatürk's personality cult and the Kemalist historiography developed around it have had significant and ongoing influences on Turkey's political culture and historical narrative.
Born in Salonica in the Ottoman Empire, his early military career saw him involved in the Italo-Turkish and Balkan Wars. As a member of the Committee of Union and Progress and the Young Turks, he played an important part in political events of the late Ottoman Empire, such as the Young Turk Revolution and the 31 March Incident. He rose to prominence with his role in the Defence of Gallipoli during World War I. Following the defeat of the empire after the war, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted the empire's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing the provisional "Ankara government", he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from the Turkish War of Independence. During and after the war, the ethnic cleansing of Armenians and Greeks from Anatolia outside of Istanbul, including the Kars region invaded by the Kemalist armies, was largely completed via large-scale massacres, flight, expulsions, and the population exchange between Greece and Turkey. His government subsequently proceeded to abolish the Ottoman sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the Republic of Turkey in its place in 1923.
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated political, economic, and cultural reforms to build a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during his presidency. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism".[3][4] Atatürk attempted rapprochement with the close countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria during the interwar period of the 1930s. Despite the positive memories and contributions, he was criticized for a number of atrocities committed under his government and was described as a dictator by his detractors.
Name
Atatürk was born Mustafa. His second name Kemal (meaning 'perfection' or 'maturity' in Arabic) was given to him by his mathematics teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi. According to Afet İnan, his teacher gave this name "in admiration of [Atatürk's] capability and maturity".[5][6] According to other sources, his teacher wanted to distinguish Atatürk from another student who was also named Mustafa.[7][8] Andrew Mango suggests that he may have chosen the name himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet Namık Kemal.[9] According to Alkan, Atatürk seems to have embraced the name Kemal during his army years.[10]
After receiving the surname Atatürk on his first ID card in 1934, his name appeared as Kemal Atatürk, while the given name Mustafa had disappeared altogether. In February 1935, Atatürk began to use the Old Turkic[11] name Kamâl. According to Tarama Dergisi (1934), kamal meant 'fortification', 'fortress', 'army', or 'shield'.[12] On 4 February 1935, the government's official news agency Anadolu Agency gave the following explanation:[13]
According to our intelligence, the name 'Kamâl' that Atatürk bears is not an Arabic word, nor does it have the meaning by the Arabic word kemal ['maturity', 'perfection']. Atatürk's given name, which is being retained, is 'Kamâl', the Turkish meaning of which is army and fortress. As the circumflex accent on the final 'â' softens the 'l' the pronunciation closely approximates that of the Arabic 'Kemal'.
— Anadolu Agency
However, Atatürk returned to the old spelling of Kemal from May 1937 and onwards. To make a soft transition, he avoided using the name as much as he could, either by not using it at all or by signing documents as 'K. Atatürk'. An official explanation was never given, but it is widely agreed that the issue with Atatürk's name was linked to the Turkish language reform.[10]
Early life

Mustafa Kemal was born either in the Ahmet Subaşı neighbourhood or at a house (preserved as a museum) in Islahhane Street (now Apostolou Pavlou Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood in Salonica (Selanik),[14] Ottoman Empire. His parents were Ali Rıza Efendi, a military officer originally from Kodžadžik (Kocacık), title deed clerk and lumber trader, and Zübeyde Hanım. Only one of Mustafa's siblings, a sister named Makbule (Atadan) survived childhood; she died in 1956.[15] According to information obtained from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Makbule Atadan, other family members, and childhood friends who knew Atatürk's family, Ali Rıza Efendi was originally from Salonica, and his wife, Zübeyde Hanım, was born to a farming family in Langaza, west of Salonica, in 1857.[16]
Claims and theories about Mustafa Kemal's ancestry are strikingly varied and contrasting.[17] According to Andrew Mango, his family was Muslim, Turkish-speaking and precariously middle-class.[18] His father Ali Rıza is thought to have been of Albanian or Slavic origin by some authors;[lower-alpha 7] however, according to H. C. Armstrong, Falih Rıfkı Atay, Vamık D. Volkan, Norman Itzkowitz, Müjgân Cunbur, Numan Kartal and Hasan İzzettin Dinamo, Ali Rıza's ancestors were Turks, ultimately descending from Söke in Aydın Province of Anatolia.[lower-alpha 8] According to the claims by the Torbeš community, he descended from the Muslim Slavs: Pomaks (Bulgarian Muslims) or Torbeši (Macedonian Muslims).[17] His mother Zübeyde is thought to have been of Turkish origin,[25][20][21] and according to other sources, she was of Turkic Yörük ancestry.[32][17] It was also claimed that she had Albanian or Macedonian ancestors.[33][24] Due to the large Jewish community alongside Muslim (mainly Turks), Greek, Bulgarian, and other communities of Salonica vilayet in the Ottoman period, many of his Islamist opponents who were disturbed by his reforms claimed that Mustafa Kemal had Jewish Dönme ancestors.[34]
In his early years, his mother encouraged Mustafa Kemal to attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School (a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. When he was seven years old, his father died.[35] His mother wanted him to learn a trade, but without consulting them, Mustafa Kemal took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (Selanik Askeri Rüştiyesi) in 1893. In 1896, he enrolled in the Monastir Military High School (in modern Bitola, North Macedonia) where he excelled at mathematics.[36] On 14 March 1899,[37] he enrolled at the Ottoman Military Academy in the neighbourhood of Pangaltı[38] within the Şişli district of the Ottoman capital city Constantinople (modern Istanbul) and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the Ottoman Military College in Constantinople on 11 January 1905.[37]
Military career
Early years

Shortly after graduation, he was arrested by the police for his anti-monarchist activities. Following confinement for several months he was released only with the support of Rıza Pasha, his former school director.[39] After his release, Mustafa Kemal was assigned to the Fifth Army based in Damascus as a Staff Captain[37] in the company of Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) and Lütfi Müfit (Özdeş).[40] He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers led by a merchant Mustafa Elvan (Cantekin) called Vatan ve Hürriyet ('Motherland and Liberty'). On 20 June 1907, he was promoted to the rank of Senior Captain (Kolağası) and on 13 October 1907, was assigned to the headquarters of the Third Army in Manastır.[41] He joined the Committee of Union and Progress, with membership number 322, although in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, the policies pursued by the CUP leadership. On 22 June 1908, he was appointed the Inspector of the Ottoman Railways in Eastern Rumelia (Doğu Rumeli Bölgesi Demiryolları Müfettişi), though this did not translate into a major role in the Young Turk Revolution of 1908.[41]

He proposed depoliticization in the army, a proposal which was disliked by the leaders of the CUP. As a result, he was sent away to Tripolitania Vilayet (present Libya, then an Ottoman territory) under the pretext of suppressing a tribal rebellion towards the end of 1908.[39] According to Mikush however, he volunteered for this mission.[42] He suppressed the revolt and returned to Constantinople in January 1909.
In April 1909 in Constantinople, a group of soldiers began a counter-revolution (see 31 March Incident). Mustafa Kemal was instrumental in suppressing the revolt, and deposing Sultan Abdul Hamid II.[43]
In 1910, he was called to the Ottoman provinces in Albania.[44][45] At that time Isa Boletini was leading Albanian uprisings in Kosovo, and there were revolts in Albania as well.[46][47] In 1910, Mustafa Kemal met with Eqrem Vlora, the Albanian lord, politician, writer, and one of the delegates of the Albanian Declaration of Independence.[48][49]
Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military observers who attended the Picardie army manoeuvres in France,[50] and in 1911, served at the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople for a short time.
Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)

In 1911, he volunteered to fight in the Italo-Turkish War[51] in the Ottoman Tripolitania Vilayet (present-day Libya).[52] He served mainly in the areas near Derna and Tobruk.[51] The invading Italian army had a strength of 150,000 men;[53] it was opposed by 20,000 Bedouins and 8,000 Turks.[54] A short time before Italy declared war, many of the Ottoman troops in Libya were sent to the Ottoman province of Yemen Vilayet to put down the rebellion there, so the Ottoman government was caught with inadequate resources to counter the Italians in Libya. Britain, which controlled the Ottoman provinces of Egypt and Sudan, did not allow additional Ottoman troops to reach Libya through Egypt. Ottoman soldiers like Mustafa Kemal went to Libya either dressed as Arabs (risking imprisonment if noticed by the British authorities in Egypt) or by the very few available ferries (the Italians, who had superior naval forces, effectively controlled the sea routes to Tripoli). However, despite all the hardships, Mustafa Kemal's forces in Libya managed to repel the Italians on a number of occasions, such as at the Battle of Tobruk on 22 December 1911.
During the Battle of Derna on 16–17 January 1912, while Mustafa Kemal was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman forces; a limestone splinter from a damaged building's rubble struck Mustafa Kemal's left eye, causing permanent tissue damage, but not total loss of sight. He received medical treatment for nearly a month; he attempted to leave the Red Crescent's health facilities after only two weeks, but when his eye's situation worsened, he had to return and resume treatment. On 6 March 1912, Mustafa Kemal became the Commander of the Ottoman forces in Derna. He managed to defend and retain the city and its surrounding region until the end of the Italo-Turkish War on 18 October 1912. Mustafa Kemal, Enver Bey, Fethi Bey, and the other Ottoman military commanders in Libya had to return to Ottoman Europe following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars on 8 October 1912. Having lost the war, the Ottoman government had to surrender Tripolitania, Fezzan, and Cyrenaica (three provinces forming present-day Libya) to the Kingdom of Italy in the Treaty of Lausanne (1912) signed ten days later, on 18 October 1912. Since 1923, historians have preferred to name this treaty as the "Treaty of Ouchy", after the Château d'Ouchy in Lausanne where it was signed, to distinguish it from the later Treaty of Lausanne (1923) signed between the Allies of World War I and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in Ankara.[55]
Balkan Wars (1912–13)
On 1 December 1912, Mustafa Kemal arrived at his new headquarters on the Gallipoli peninsula and, during the First Balkan War, he took part in the amphibious landing at Bulair on the coast of Thrace under Fethi Bey, but this offensive was repulsed during the Battle of Bulair by Georgi Todorov's 7th Rila Infantry Division[56] under the command of Stiliyan Kovachev's Bulgarian Fourth Army.[57]
In June 1913, during the Second Balkan War, he took part in the Ottoman Army forces[58] commanded by Kaymakam Enver Bey that recovered Dimetoka and Edirne (Adrianople, the capital city of the Ottoman Empire between 1365 and 1453, thus of utmost historic importance for the Turks) together with most of eastern Thrace from the Bulgarians.
In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to all Balkan states (his office was in Sofia, Bulgaria) and promoted to the rank of Kaymakam (Lieutenant Colonel / Colonel) on 1 March 1914.[37] While in Bulgaria, he met with Dimitrina Kovacheva, the daughter of Bulgarian general Stiliyan Kovachev (against whose forces he had fought during the Balkan Wars), who had recently completed her education in Switzerland, during a New Year's Eve ball in Sofia and fell in love with her.[59] The two danced at the ball and started to secretly date in the following days.[59] Mustafa Kemal twice asked Dimitrina's parents for their permission to marry her (the second time was in 1915, during World War I) and was twice refused, which left him with a lifelong sadness.[59]
First World War (1914–18)

In 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the European and Middle Eastern theatres of World War I allied with the Central Powers. Mustafa Kemal was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the Fifth Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. He became the front-line commander after correctly anticipating where the Allies would attack, and held his position until they retreated. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in Edirne until 14 January 1916. He was then assigned to the command of the XVI Corps of the Second Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign after the massive Russian offensive had reached key Anatolian cities. On 7 August, he rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.[60] Two of his divisions captured Bitlis and Muş, upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.[61]
Following this victory, the CUP government in Constantinople proposed to establish a new army in Hejaz known as the Hejaz Expeditionary Force (Hicaz Kuvve-i Seferiyesi) and appoint Mustafa Kemal to its command, but he refused the proposal and this army was never established.[50] Instead, on 7 March 1917, Mustafa Kemal was promoted from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the Second Army, although the Czar's armies were soon withdrawn when the Russian Revolution erupted.[50][60]
In July 1917, he was appointed to the command of the Seventh Army, replacing Fevzi Pasha on 7 August 1917, who was under the command of the German general Erich von Falkenhayn's Yildirim Army Group (after the British forces of General Edmund Allenby captured Jerusalem in December 1917, Erich von Falkenhayn was replaced by Otto Liman von Sanders who became the new commander of the Yıldırım Army Group in early 1918.)[50] Mustafa Kemal did not get along well with General von Falkenhayn and, together with Miralay İsmet Bey, wrote a report to Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha regarding the grim situation and lack of adequate resources in the Palestinian front. However, Talaat Pasha ignored their observations and refused their suggestion to form a stronger defensive line to the north, in Ottoman Syria (in parts of the Beirut Vilayet, Damascus Vilayet, and Aleppo Vilayet), with Turks instead of Germans in command.[50] Following the rejection of his report, Mustafa Kemal resigned from the Seventh Army and returned to Constantinople.[50] There, he was assigned with the task of accompanying the crown prince (and future sultan) Mehmed Vahideddin during his train trip to Austria-Hungary and Germany.[50] While in Germany, Mustafa Kemal visited the German lines on the Western Front and concluded that the Central Powers would soon lose the war.[50] He did not hesitate to openly express this opinion to Kaiser Wilhelm II and his high-ranking generals in person.[50] During the return trip, he briefly stayed in Karlsbad and Vienna for medical treatment between 30 May and 28 July 1918.[50]

When Mehmed VI became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Mustafa Kemal to Constantinople, and after several meetings in the months July and August 1918, reassigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine.[62] Mustafa Kemal arrived in Aleppo on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in Nablus. The Seventh Army was holding the central sector of the front lines. On 19 September, at the beginning of the Battle of Megiddo, the Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the Jordan River. The Seventh Army retired towards the Jordan River but was destroyed by British aerial bombardment during its retreat from Nablus on 21 September 1918.[63] Nevertheless, Mustafa Kemal managed to form a defence line to the north of Aleppo. According to Lord Kinross, Mustafa Kemal was the only Turkish general in the war who never suffered a defeat.[64]
The war ended with the Armistice of Mudros which was signed on 30 October 1918, and all German and Austro-Hungarian troops in the Ottoman Empire were granted ample time to withdraw. On 31 October, Mustafa Kemal was appointed to the command of the Yıldırım Army Group, replacing Liman von Sanders. Mustafa Kemal organized the distribution of weapons to the civilians in Antep in case of a defensive conflict against the invading Allies.[50]
Mustafa Kemal's last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the Ottoman troops left behind to the south of the defensive line. In early November 1918, the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved, and Mustafa Kemal returned to an occupied Constantinople, the Ottoman capital, on 13 November 1918.[50] For a period of time, he worked at the headquarters of the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople and continued his activities in this city until 16 May 1919.[50] Along the established lines of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies (British, Italian, French and Greek forces) occupied Anatolia. The occupation of Constantinople, followed by the occupation of İzmir (the two largest Ottoman cities at the time) sparked the establishment of the Turkish National Movement and the Turkish War of Independence.[65]
Ottoman genocides (1913–1922) and Mustafa Kemal
Mustafa Kemal was not directly involved in the Armenian genocide (during which around 1 million Armenians were killed by the CUP government, largely via direct killings and deportation to areas where survival of such large numbers of people was impossible) while it was occurring. Since then, the degree to which he was critical or supportive of the genocide has been debated.[66] In speeches for domestic audiences, Mustafa Kemal presented Turks as innocent of any wrongdoing and as victims of horrific Armenian atrocities.[67][68][69] According to some accounts, he expressed disapproval of the events to foreign audiences.[70][page needed] In the postwar period, the Turkish nationalists relied on the support of perpetrators of the genocide and those who had profited from it,[71][72] the return of Armenian survivors was seen as a mortal threat to nationalist ambitions and was therefore made impossible. Mustafa Kemal's followers were responsible for expelling or murdering many Christians from Anatolia.[73][74][75] Turkish generals were ordered "to eliminate Armenia physically and politically".[76][77] Nearly 100,000 Armenians were massacred in Transcaucasia by the Turkish army and another 100,000 fled from Cilicia during the French withdrawal.[77] After the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, CUP war criminals were granted immunity[78] and later that year, the Treaty of Lausanne established Turkey's current borders and provided for the Greek population's expulsion. Its protection provisions for non-Muslim minorities had no enforcement mechanism and were disregarded in practice.[79][80] Armenians who managed to avoid deportation and who lived outside the capital city continued to face forced Islamization and kidnapping of girls after 1923,[81][82] while expulsions to Syria continued until 1929.[83]
Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923)
By December 1918, the leaders of the underground CUP resistance organization Karakol had approached Mustafa Kemal to lead an anti-Entente resistance movement. Historian Erik-Jan Zürcher argued that Kemal was particularly qualified as he was "trusted as a Unionist and a patriot but not too closely involved either with the ruling clique of Enver and Talaat or the Armenian massacres".[84]
On 30 April 1919, Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ('Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan') with the rank of Mirliva, Mustafa Kemal was assigned as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security. This assignment effectively made him a plenipotentiary of Anatolia, giving him responsibility of all civil and military personnel in the area.[85] On 19 May 1919, he reached Samsun. His first goal was the establishment of an organized national movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the Amasya Circular, declaring the independence of the country was in danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July, and the Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. But Kâzım Karabekir and other military commanders active in Eastern Anatolia followed Mustafa Kemal's lead and acknowledged him as their leader.[86]
On 4 September 1919, he assembled a congress in Sivas. Those who opposed the Allies in various provinces in Turkey issued a declaration named Misak-ı Millî ('National Pact'). Mustafa Kemal was appointed as the head of the executive committee of the Congress,[87] which gave him the legitimacy he needed for his future politics.[88][87] Upon its conclusion a wave of governors and commanders pledged their loyalty to his Committee of Representation, those which didn't conform were overthrown by nationalist agents. The government in Istanbul pledged itself to a nationalist agenda with the Amasya Protocol.
The last election to the Ottoman parliament held in December 1919 gave a sweeping majority to candidates of the "Association for Defence of Rights for Anatolia and Roumelia" (Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti), headed by Mustafa Kemal, who himself remained in Angora, now known as Ankara. The fourth (and last) term of the parliament opened in Constantinople on 12 January 1920. It was dissolved by British forces on 18 March 1920, shortly after it adopted the Misak-ı Millî ('National Pact'). This coincided with a general occupation of the city by the Allied forces. Mustafa Kemal called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament seated in Angora.[89] – the "Grand National Assembly" (GNA). On 23 April 1920, the GNA opened with Mustafa Kemal as the speaker; this act effectively created the situation of diarchy in the country.[90] In May 1920, the power struggle between the two governments led to a death sentence in absentia for Mustafa Kemal by the Turkish courts-martial.[91] Halide Edib (Adıvar) and Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) were also sentenced to death alongside Mustafa Kemal.[92]

On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha signed the Treaty of Sèvres, finalizing plans for the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, including the regions that Turkish nationals viewed as their heartland. Mustafa Kemal insisted on the country's complete independence and the safeguarding of interests of the Turkish majority on "Turkish soil". He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The GNA army faced the Caliphate army propped up by the Allied occupation forces and had the immediate task of fighting the Armenian forces in the Eastern Front and the Greek forces advancing eastward from Smyrna (today known as İzmir) that they had occupied in May 1919, on the Western Front.[93]
The GNA military successes in its invasion of Armenia in the autumn of 1920 and later against the Greeks were made possible by a steady supply of gold and armaments to the Kemalists from the Russian Bolshevik government from the autumn of 1920 onwards.[94]

After a series of battles during the Greco-Turkish War, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just eighty kilometers west of Ankara. On 5 August 1921, Mustafa Kemal was promoted to commander in chief of the forces by the GNA.[95] The ensuing Battle of the Sakarya was fought from 23 August–13 September 1921 and ended with the defeat of the Greeks. After this victory, Mustafa Kemal was given the rank of Mareşal and the title of Gazi by the Grand National Assembly on 19 September 1921. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Mustafa Kemal's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Treaty of Sèvres as a peace settlement on Angora, but the proposal was rejected. In August 1922, Mustafa Kemal launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar in the Battle of Dumlupınar, and Turkish forces regained control of İzmir on 9 September 1922.[96] On 10 September 1922, Mustafa Kemal sent a telegram to the League of Nations stating that the Turkish population was so worked up that the Ankara Government would not be responsible for the ensuing massacres.[97]
Establishment of the Republic of Turkey

The Conference of Lausanne began on 21 November 1922. Turkey, represented by İsmet İnönü of the GNA, refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty,[98] such as the control of Turkish finances, the Capitulations, the Straits and other issues. Although the conference paused on 4 February, it continued after 23 April mainly focusing on the economic issues.[61] On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by the Powers with the GNA, thus recognising the latter as the government of Turkey.
On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed.[99] Since then, Republic Day has been celebrated as a national holiday on that date.[100]
Presidency
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With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Mustafa Kemal's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the first caliphs."[101] Mustafa Kemal placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kâzım Özalp, and İsmet İnönü in political positions where they could institute his reforms. He capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting political, economic, and social reforms. In doing so, he transformed Turkish society from perceiving itself as a Muslim part of a vast Empire into a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state. This had a positive influence on human capital because from then on, what mattered at school was science and education; Islam was concentrated in mosques and religious places.[102]
Domestic policies

Mustafa Kemal's driving goal was the complete independence of the country.[103] He clarified his position:
...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence.[104]
He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economic aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures. Though he was later idealized by some as an originator of sweeping reforms, many of his reformist ideas were already common in Ottoman intellectual circles at the turn of the 20th century and were expressed more openly after the Young Turk Revolution.[105]
Mustafa Kemal created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as the "Six Arrows", or Kemalism. Kemalism is based on Mustafa Kemal's conception of realism and pragmatism.[106] The fundamentals of nationalism, populism, and statism were all defined under the Six Arrows. These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were explicitly formulated for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly Christian states.
Emergence of the state, 1923–1924

Mustafa Kemal's private journal entries dated before the establishment of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman heritage.[107] For instance, they made Ankara (as Angora has been known in English since 1930), the country's new capital and reformed the Turkish postal service. Once a provincial town deep in Anatolia, the city was thus turned into the center of the independence movement. Mustafa Kemal wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"[108] and visualized a representative democracy, parliamentary sovereignty, where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.[108]
In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as communism and fascism. Mustafa Kemal saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both.[109] He prevented the spread into Turkey of the totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany, and Italy.[110] Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition; others believed it was necessary to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing to the instability of new ideologies and competing factions.[111] Under Mustafa Kemal, the arrest process known as the 1927 Detentions (1927 Tevkifatı) was launched, and a widespread arrest policy was put in place against the Communist Party of Turkey members. Communist political figures such as Hikmet Kıvılcımlı, Nâzım Hikmet, and Şefik Hüsnü were tried and sentenced to prison terms. Then, in 1937, a delegation headed by Mustafa Kemal decided to censor the writings of Kıvılcımlı as harmful communist propaganda.[112][113][114]

The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Mustafa Kemal.[115] The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot.[115] Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, served as an organ of scrutiny under the Turkish Constitution of 1921.[115] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. Mustafa Kemal, then the President, occupied a dominant position in this political system.
The one-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "People's Party", founded by Mustafa Kemal on 9 September 1923. (But according to the party culture the foundation date was the opening day of Sivas Congress on 4 September 1919). On 10 November 1924, it was renamed Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası or Republican People's Party (the word fırka was replaced by the word parti in 1935).
Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925

The abolition of the caliphate and other cultural reforms were met with fierce opposition. The conservative elements were not appreciative, and they launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.[116] This was an important dimension in Mustafa Kemal's drive to reform the political system and to promote national sovereignty. By the consensus of the Muslim majority in early centuries, the caliphate was the core political concept of Sunni Islam.[117] Abolishing the sultanate was easier because the survival of the caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a split system with the new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side, and Mustafa Kemal and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph."[118] Caliph Abdülmecid II was elected after the abolition of the sultanate (1922).
The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Mustafa Kemal said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.[119] He wanted to integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924, when[119] İnönü, Çakmak, and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.[116] On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal said:
The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.[120]
On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the caliphate as they decided whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph.[116] A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.[116]
Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.[116] Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence. Meanwhile, Mustafa Kemal and the reformists continued their own way.[121]
On 8 April 1924, sharia courts were abolished with the law "Mehakim-i Şer'iyenin İlgasına ve Mehakim Teşkilatına Ait Ahkamı Muaddil Kanun".[122][123]
Educational reform
The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of institutions. The most common institutions were medreses based on Arabic, the Qur'an, and memorization. The second type of institution was idadî and sultanî, the reformist schools of the Tanzimat era. The last group included colleges and minority schools in foreign languages that used the latest teaching models in educating pupils. The old medrese education was modernized.[124] Mustafa Kemal changed the classical Islamic education for a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions.[124] He linked educational reform to the liberation of the nation from dogma, which he believed was more important than the Turkish War of Independence. He declared:
Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."[125]
In the summer of 1924, Mustafa Kemal invited American educational reformer John Dewey to Ankara to advise him on how to reform Turkish education.[124] His public education reforms aimed to prepare citizens for roles in public life through increasing public literacy. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the republic. He pointed out that one of the main targets of education in Turkey had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the "public culture". The state schools established a common curriculum which became known as the "unification of education".
Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430). With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all schools submitted their curriculum to the "Ministry of National Education", a government agency modeled after other countries' ministries of education. Concurrently, the republic abolished the two ministries and made clergy subordinate to the department of religious affairs, one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of education under one curriculum ended "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire", but was not the end of religious schools in Turkey; they were moved to higher education until later governments restored them to their former position in secondary after Mustafa Kemal's death.
Western attire

Beginning in the fall of 1925, Mustafa Kemal encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.[126] He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II.[126] The fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925 introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Mustafa Kemal first made the hat compulsory for civil servants.[126] The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat willingly. In 1925, Mustafa Kemal wore a Panama hat during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern Western suits with neckties as well as Fedora and Derby-style hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934.
Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Mustafa Kemal never made specific reference to women's clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern Western clothes. But it was Mustafa Kemal's adopted daughters, Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan, who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style [of headcovering] is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."[127]
Religious insignia
On 30 August 1925, Mustafa Kemal's view on religious insignia used outside places of worship was introduced in his Kastamonu speech. This speech also had another position. He said:
In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges [tekke] and admit that their disciplines have grown up.[128][129]
On 2 September 1925, the government issued a decree closing down all Sufi orders, the tekkes and other religious ideological lodges. Mustafa Kemal ordered the dervish lodges to be converted to museums, such as Mevlana Museum in Konya. The institutional expression of religious ideologies became illegal in Turkey; a politically neutral form of any religious ideology, functioning as social associations, was permitted to exist.[130]
Opposition to Mustafa Kemal in 1924–1927

In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, Sheikh Said began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion. Sheikh Said was a wealthy Kurdish tribal chief of a local Naqshbandi order in Diyarbakır. He emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Sheikh stirred up his followers against the policies of the government, which he considered anti-Islamic. In an effort to restore Islamic law, Sheik's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of Elazığ and Diyarbakır.[131] Members of the government saw the Sheikh Said Rebellion as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. With the support of Mustafa Kemal, the acting prime minister Ali Fethi (Okyar) was replaced with İsmet Pasha (İnönü), who on 3 March 1925 ordered the invocation of the "Law for the Maintenance of Order" in order to deal with the rebellion. It gave the government exceptional powers and included the authority to shut down subversive groups.[132] The law was repealed in March 1927.[133]
There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes[who?]. So many members were denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the Republican People's Party (CHP) that Mustafa Kemal expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party.[134] He decided not to purge this group.[134] After a censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group, Kâzım Karabekir, along with his friends, established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Mustafa Kemal. On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.[134] The CHP held all but one seat in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him,[134] Mustafa Kemal said, "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress".[134]
On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. Some of Mustafa Kemal's closest associates who had supported him in the early days of the War of Independence such as Rauf Bey (later Rauf Orbay), Refet Pasha, and Ali Fuat Pasha (later Ali Fuat Cebesoy) were among the members of the new party. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the statism of the CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of the CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.[135] The PRP was not against Mustafa Kemal's main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civil law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).[136] These principles were set by the leaders at the onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.
During 1926, a plot to assassinate Mustafa Kemal was uncovered in Smyrna (İzmir). It originated with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate. What originally was an inquiry into the planners shifted to a sweeping investigation. Ostensibly, its aims were to uncover subversive activities, but in truth, the investigation was used to undermine those disagreeing with Mustafa Kemal's cultural reforms. The investigation brought a number of political activists before the tribunal, including Karabekir, the leader of the PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, including Mehmet Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and İsmail Canbulat, were found guilty of treason and hanged.[137] Because the investigation found a link between the members of the PRP and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition was broken; this action was to be the only broad political purge during Mustafa Kemal's presidency. His statement – "My mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever" – was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.[138]
Modernization efforts, 1926–1930

In the years following 1926, Mustafa Kemal introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established by the Ottoman Empire.[139] For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law and restricted to matters of religion.[139] He stated:
We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us.[140]

On 1 March 1926, the Turkish penal code, modelled after the Italian penal code, was passed. On 4 October 1926, Islamic courts were closed. Establishing the civic law needed time, so Mustafa Kemal delayed the inclusion of the principle of laïcité (the constitutional principle of secularism in France) until 5 February 1937.

In keeping with the Islamic practice of sex segregation, Ottoman practice discouraged social interaction between men and women. Mustafa Kemal began developing social reforms to address this issue very early, as was evident in his personal journal. He and his staff discussed issues such as abolishing the veiling of women and integrating women into the outside world. His plans to surmount the task were written in his journal in November 1915:
The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection.[141]
Mustafa Kemal needed a new civil code to establish his second major step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of girls, a feat established with the unification of education. On 4 October 1926, the new Turkish civil code, modelled after the Swiss Civil Code, was passed. Under the new code, women gained equality with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce, since Mustafa Kemal did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for Turkey to achieve progress and become civilized if Ottoman gender separation persisted.[142] During a meeting he declaimed:
To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.[143]
Additionally, the Kemalist one-party period of Turkey's labor participation rate was as high as 70%. The participation rate continued to decline after the democratization of Turkey due to the backlash of conservative norms in Turkish society.[144]
In 1927, the State Art and Sculpture Museum (Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi) opened its doors. The museum highlighted sculpture, which was rarely practised in Turkey due to the Islamic tradition of avoiding idolatry. Mustafa Kemal believed that "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic",[145] and described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal". He included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was placed on the widespread Turkish culture before the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations. He instigated study of Anatolian civilizations – Phrygians, Lydians, Sumerians, and Hittites. To attract public attention to past cultures, he personally named the banks "Sümerbank" (1932) after the Sumerians and "Etibank" (1935) after the Hittites. He also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.
At the time, the republic used the Ottoman Turkish language written in the Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.[124] However, as little as 10% of the population was literate. Furthermore, the American reformer John Dewey, invited by Mustafa Kemal to assist in educational reform, found that learning how to read and write Turkish in the traditional Arabic script took roughly three years.[124] In the spring of 1928, Mustafa Kemal met in Ankara with several linguists and professors from all over Turkey to unveil his plan to implement a new alphabet for the written Turkish language, based on a modified Latin alphabet. The new Turkish alphabet would serve as a replacement for the old Arabic script and a solution to the literacy problem, since the new alphabet did not retain the complexities of the Arabic script and could be learned within a few months.[3] When Mustafa Kemal asked the language experts how long it would take to implement the new alphabet into the Turkish language, most of the professors and linguists said between three and five years. Mustafa Kemal was said to have scoffed and openly stated: "We shall do it in three to five months".[146]

Over the next several months, Mustafa Kemal pressed for the introduction of the new Turkish alphabet and made public announcements of the upcoming overhaul. The creation of the alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Dil Encümeni) with the initiative of Mustafa Kemal.[124] On 1 November 1928, he introduced the new Turkish alphabet and abolished the use of the Arabic script. The first Turkish newspaper using the new alphabet was published on 15 December 1928. Mustafa Kemal himself travelled the countryside in order to teach citizens the new alphabet. After vigorous campaigns, the literacy rate more than doubled from 10.6% in 1927 to 22.4% in 1940.[147] To supplement the literacy reform, a number of congresses were organized on scientific issues, education, history, economics, arts and language.[148] Libraries were systematically developed, and mobile libraries and book transport systems were set up to serve remote districts.[149] Literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new law on copyrights.
Mustafa Kemal promoted modern teaching methods at the primary education level, and Dewey proved integral to the effort.[124] Dewey presented a paradigmatic set of recommendations designed for developing societies moving towards modernity in his "Report and Recommendation for the Turkish educational system".[124] He was interested in adult education with the goal of forming a skill base in the country. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making, and household management but also skills necessary for joining the economy outside the home. Mustafa Kemal's unified education program became a state-supervised system, which was designed to create a skill base for the social and economic progress of the country by educating responsible citizens as well as useful and appreciated members of society.[150][124] In addition, Turkish education became an integrative system, aimed to alleviate poverty and used female education to establish gender equality. Mustafa Kemal himself put special emphasis on the education of girls and supported coeducation, introducing it at university level in 1923–24 and establishing it as the norm throughout the educational system by 1927.[151] Mustafa Kemal's reforms on education made it significantly more accessible: between 1923 and 1938, the number of students attending primary schools increased by 224% (from 342,000 to 765,000), the number of students attending middle schools increased by 12.5 times (from around 6,000 to 74,000), and the number of students attending high schools increased by almost 17 times (from 1,200 to 21,000).[152]

Mustafa Kemal generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official education meetings called "Science Boards" and "Education Summits" to discuss the quality of education, training issues, and certain basic educational principles. He said, "our [schools' curriculum] should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve." He was personally engaged with the development of two textbooks. The first one, Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (Civic knowledge for the citizens, 1930), introduced the science of comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to the new state institutions.[153] The second, Geometri (Geometry, 1937), was a text for high schools and introduced many of the terms currently used in Turkey to describe geometry.[154]
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- ↑ Konyalı Saat. "Atatürk'ü Ölmekten Kurtaran Saate Ne Oldu?". Konyalı Saat. Archived from the original on 11 December 2024. Retrieved October 25, 2024. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑
- REDIRECT Template:TDV Encyclopedia of Islam
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 Kandogan, Eser; Seferoglu, Süleyman Sadi (12 January 1994). "Ataturk: Creator of Modern Turkey / Mustafa Kemal Atatürk". Türkiye On The Web: A Cultural Warehouse. Thousand Lakes Web Pages. New York: Columbia University. Archived from the original on 9 November 2015. Retrieved 22 November 2017. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Landau, Jacob M. (1984). "Atatürk's Achievement: Some Considerations". Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. A Westview Replica Edition. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, Inc. and Leiden, The Netherlands: E.J. Brill. p. xiii. ISBN 978-9004070707. LCCN 83-16872. Archived from the original on 1 August 2023. Retrieved 27 October 2020. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) Search this book on
- ↑ Afet İnan, Atatürk hakkında hâtıralar ve belgeler, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1959, p. 8. Archived 8 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine
- ↑ "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk". Turkish Embassy website. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 7 August 2007.
- ↑ Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Sınıf arkadaşım Atatürk: okul ve genç subaylık hâtıraları, İnkılâp ve Aka Kitabevleri, 1967, p. 6. Archived 8 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine Benim adım Mustafa. Senin adın da Mustafa. Arada bir fark olmalı, ne dersin, senin adının sonuna bir de Kemal koyalım.
- ↑ Rustow, Dankwart A. (1968). "Atatürk as Founder of a State". Daedalus. 97 (3): 793–828. ISSN 0011-5266. JSTOR 20023842. Archived from the original on 3 April 2022. Retrieved 26 May 2021. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Mango, Atatürk, p. 37.
- ↑ 10.0 10.1 Enis Dinç (2020). Atatürk on Screen: Documentary Film and the Making of a Leader. p. 180. Search this book on
- ↑ Murat Belge, Tanıl Bora, Murat Gültekingil. Milliyetçilik (2002), İletişim Yayınları, p. 254 Archived 4 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine
- ↑ Tarama Dergisi (1934), volume 2, p. 1064 Archived 16 April 2024 at the Wayback Machine
- ↑ Niyazi Ahmet Banoğlu, Atatürk'ün İstanbul'daki Hayatı, volume 2, Millî Eğitim Matbaası, 1974, p. 131. İstihbaratımıza nazaran, Atatürk'ün taşıdığı Kamâl adı Arapça bir kelime olmadığı gibi, Arapça Kemal kelimesinin delâlet ettiği manada da değildir. Atatürk'ün muhafaza edilen öz adı, Türkçe 'ordu ve kale' manasında olan Kamâl'dır. Son 'â' üstündeki tahfif işareti 'l'i yumuşattığı için, telâffuz hemen hemen Arapça 'Kemal' telâffuzuna yaklaşır.
- ↑ Méropi Anastassiadou; Méropi Anastassiadou-Dumont (1997). Salonique, 1830–1912: une ville ottomane à l'âge des Réformes. Brill. p. 71. ISBN 978-90-04-10798-4. Search this book on
- ↑ Cemal Çelebi Granda (2007). Cemal Granda anlatıyor. Pal Medya ve Organizasyon. ISBN 978-9944-203-01-2. Archived from the original on 1 August 2023. Retrieved 27 June 2015. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) Search this book on
[page needed]
- ↑ Acar, Derya Genç (1 November 2005). "Makbule Atadan'ın Atatürk'e İlişkin Anlattıkları Üzerine Bir Basın Taraması". Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi (in Türkçe). 21 (63): 1091–1111. ISSN 1011-727X.
- ↑ 17.0 17.1 17.2 Zadrożna, Anna (31 July 2017). "Reconstructing the past in a post-Ottoman village: Turkishness in a transnational context". Nationalities Papers. 45 (4): 530. doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1287690. Unknown parameter
|s2cid=ignored (help) - ↑ Andrew Mango Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Overlook Press, 2002, ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6 Search this book on
., pp. 25–27 Archived 23 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 27ff. – "Feyzullah's family is said to have come from the country near Vodina (now Edhessa in western Greek Macedonia). The surname Sofuzade, meaning 'son of a pious man', suggests that the ancestors of Zübeyde and Ali Rıza had a similar background. Cemil Bozok, son of Salih Bozok, who was a distant cousin of Mustafa Kemal and, later, his ADC, claims to have been related to both Ali Rıza's and Zübeyde's families. This would mean that the families of Mustafa Kemal's parents were interrelated. Cemil Bozok also notes that his paternal grandfather, Safer Efendi, was of Albanian origin. This may have a bearing on the vexed question of Mustafa Kemal's ethnic origin. Mustafa Kemal's parents and relatives all used Turkish as their mother tongue. This suggests that some at least of their ancestors had originally come from Turkey, since local Muslims of Albanian and Slav origin who had no ethnic connection with Turkey spoke Albanian, Serbo-Croat or Bulgarian, at least so long as they remained in their native land. But in looks Atatürk resembled local Albanians and Slavs.[...] But there is no evidence that either Ali Riza or Zübeyde was descended from such Turkish nomads." page 28; "It is much more likely that Atatürk inherited his looks from his Balkan ancestors.[...] But Albanians and Slavs are likely to have figured among his ancestors."
- ↑ Mango, Andrew, Atatürk: the biography of the founder of modern Turkey, (Overlook TP, 2002), p. 27.
- ↑ 20.0 20.1 Jackh, Ernest, The Rising Crescent, (Goemaere Press, 2007), p. 31, Turkish mother and Albanian father Archived 8 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine
- ↑ 21.0 21.1 Isaac Frederick Marcosson, Turbulent Years, Ayer Publishing, 1969, p. 144. Archived 25 March 2023 at the Wayback Machine
- ↑ Richmond, Yale (1995). From Da to Yes: Understanding the East Europeans. Intercultural Press Inc. p. 212. Search this book on
- ↑ "Ataturk". Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society. 26 (1): 117–120. January 1939. doi:10.1080/03068373908730899. ISSN 0035-8789.
- ↑ 24.0 24.1 "Turkey: The land a dictator turned into a democracy". Time Magazine. 12 October 1953. Archived from the original on 22 May 2010. Retrieved 28 December 2023. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ 25.0 25.1 Harold Courtenay Armstrong, Grey Wolf: Mustafa Kemal – An intimate study of a dictator (fifth cheap edition, July 1935), p. 17
- ↑ Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 17. Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
- ↑ Vamık D. Volkan & Norman Itzkowitz, Ölümsüz Atatürk (Immortal Atatürk), Bağlam Yayınları, 1998, ISBN 975-7696-97-8 Search this book on
., p. 37, dipnote no. 6 (Atay, 1980, s. 17)
- ↑ Cunbur, Müjgân. Türk dünyası edebiyatçıları ansiklopedisi, 2. cilt (2004), Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı: "Babası Ali Rıza Efendi (doğ. 1839), annesi Zübeyde Hanımdır, baba dedesi Hafız Ahmet Efendi, 14–15. yy.da Anadolu'dan göç ederek Makedonya'ya yerleşen Kocacık Yörüklerindendir."
- ↑ Kartal, Numan. Atatürk ve Kocacık Türkleri (2002), T.C. Kültür Bakanlığı: "Aile Selânik'e Manastır ilinin Debrei Bâlâ sancağına bağlı Kocacık bucağından gelmişti. Ali Rıza Efendi'nin doğum yeri olan Kocacık bucağı halkı da Anadolu'dan gitme ve tamamıyla Türk, Müslüman Oğuzların Türkmen boylarındandırlar."
- ↑ Dinamo, Hasan İzzettin. Kutsal İsyan: Millî Kurtuluş Savaşı'nın Gerçek Hikâyesi, 2. cilt (1986), Tekin Yayınevi.
- ↑ "Mustafa Kemal Ataturk – memorial museum in village Kodzadzik (Коџаџик) in Municipality Centar Zupa (Центар Жупа)". Macedonia Travel Blog. 24 May 2013. Archived from the original on 4 November 2014. Retrieved 23 April 2018. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam: Mustafa Kemal, Birinci Cilt (1st vol.): 1881–1919, 14th ed., Remzi Kitabevi, 1997, ISBN 975-14-0212-3 Search this book on
., p. 31. Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
- ↑ Fodor, Marcel William (1939). South of Hitler. United States, University of Wisconsin – Madison: Houghton Mifflin. p. 73. Archived from the original on 9 March 2024. Retrieved 9 March 2024.
His mother, Subeida, was the daughter of a small tenant of a farm in Southern Albania. According to such reliable evidence as I was able to collect, this blonde-haired, blue-eyed, robust woman was an Albanian whose mother, in turn, was a Macedonian. Mustapha Kemal with his blue eyes and blond hair resembled his...
Unknown parameter|url-status=ignored (help) Search this book on
- ↑ Gershom Scholem, "Doenmeh", Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed.; Volume 5: Coh-Doz, Macmillan Reference US, Thomson Gale, 2007, ISBN 0-02-865933-3 Search this book on
., p. 732.
- ↑ Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985
- ↑ Atatürk, Kemal (1998). Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Akşit. p. 13. Search this book on
- ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 37.3 T. C. Genelkurmay Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı Yayınları, Türk İstiklâl Harbine Katılan Tümen ve Daha Üst Kademelerdeki Komutanların Biyografileri, Ankara: Genkurmay Başkanlığı Basımevi, 1972, p. 1. Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
- ↑ Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 29. Script error: The function "in_lang" does not exist.
- ↑ 39.0 39.1 Falih Rıfkı Atay: Çankaya, Pozitif Yayınları, İstanbul, 2004 ISBN 975-6461-05-5 Search this book on
.
- ↑ Mango, ibid, p. 37.
- ↑ 41.0 41.1 T.C. Genelkurmay Başkanlığı Yayınları, ibid, p. 2.
- ↑ D.V.Mikusch: Zwichen Europe und Asien (translation Esat Mermi Erendor), İkarus Yayınları, İstanbul, 1981 ISBN 978-605-5834-32-6 Search this book on
. p. 67
- ↑ Patrick Kinross: Rebirth of a Nation (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p. 68
- ↑ "1910, Albania broke a major uprising. Minister of War, Shefqet Mahmut Pasha, was personally involved in its printing. For this purpose decided to call his war headquarters Qemali Mustafa who was known as one of the generals prepared and laid him drafting the plan of operations. Mustafa at this time was in the Fifth Army Headquarters in Salonica". Albania.dyndns.org. Archived from the original on 26 July 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2012. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ "Mustafa Atatürk had assisted in the military operation in Albania in 1910". Zeriyt.com. Archived from the original on 6 August 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2012. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ "1912 | Aubrey Herbert: A Meeting with Isa Boletini". Albanianhistory.net. Archived from the original on 22 October 2012. Retrieved 29 October 2012. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Enstehung und Ausbau der Königsdiktatur in Albanien, 1912–1939 Von Michael Schmidt-Neke
- ↑ "I remember well the meeting very interesting, I had casually with Mustafa Qemali in 1910, at the time, still a mere lieutenant". Albislam.com. Archived from the original on 26 February 2021. Retrieved 10 November 2012. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ KUJTIME nga: Eqrem Bej Vlora. Ekrem Bey Vlora, Lebenserinnerungen – Teilband II: 1912–1925
- ↑ 50.00 50.01 50.02 50.03 50.04 50.05 50.06 50.07 50.08 50.09 50.10 50.11 50.12 Ana Britannica (1987) Vol. 2 (Ami – Avr): Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal. p. 490.
- ↑ 51.0 51.1 Landau, Jacob M. (1984). Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. p. 17. ISBN 0865319863. Search this book on
- ↑ Jacob M. Landau, (1984), p. 48
- ↑ William Henry Beehler, The History of the Italian-Turkish War, page 96
- ↑ Beehler, p. 14
- ↑ Erik Goldstein (2005). Wars and Peace Treaties: 1816 to 1991. Routledge. p. 37. ISBN 9781134899128. Archived from the original on 1 August 2023. Retrieved 15 May 2018. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) Search this book on
- ↑ Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912–1913: Prelude to the First World War, Routledge, 2002, p. 81. Archived 23 April 2023 at the Wayback Machine
- ↑ Edward J. Erickson, Defeat in Detail: The Ottoman Army in the Balkans, 1912–1913, Praeger, 2003, ISBN 0-275-97888-5 Search this book on
., p. 255.
- ↑ "Kemal Atatürk". Encyclopedia Britannica. Archived from the original on 21 September 2022. Retrieved 21 November 2017. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ 59.0 59.1 59.2 "Atatürk'ün Bulgar aşkı belgesel oldu". Hürriyet. 18 April 2006. Archived from the original on 10 July 2022. Retrieved 15 March 2020. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ 60.0 60.1 Lengyel, They called him Atatürk, 68
- ↑ 61.0 61.1 Patrick Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, 100
- ↑ Jäschke, Gotthard (1975). "Mustafa Kemal und England in Neuer Sicht". Die Welt des Islams. 16 (1/4): 169. doi:10.2307/1569959. ISSN 0043-2539. JSTOR 1569959. Archived from the original on 25 September 2021. Retrieved 26 September 2021. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ "RAF History – Bomber Command 60th Anniversary". Raf.mod.uk. Archived from the original on 12 October 2012. Retrieved 29 October 2012. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Patrick Kinross, Rebirth of a Nation (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p. 210
- ↑ Mustafa Kemal Pasha's speech on his arrival in Angora (now Ankara) in November 1919[where?]
- ↑ Ulgen 2010.
- ↑ Baer 2020, p. 82.
- ↑ Göçek 2011, pp. 43–44.
- ↑ Ulgen 2010, pp. 384–386, 390.
- ↑ Akçam, Taner (1999). A Shameful Act. ISBN 9780805079326. Search this book on
- ↑ Zürcher 2011, p. 316.
- ↑ Cheterian 2015, p. 155.
- ↑ Bozarslan et al. 2015, p. 311.
- ↑ Nichanian 2015, pp. 229–230, 242.
- ↑ "The expulsion of non-Turkish ethnic and religious groups from Turkey to Syria during the 1920s and early 1930s | Sciences Po Mass Violence and Resistance - Research Network". www.sciencespo.fr. 15 April 2019. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
- ↑ Kévorkian 2020, pp. 164–165.
- ↑ 77.0 77.1 Nichanian 2015, p. 238.
- ↑ Dadrian & Akçam 2011, p. 104.
- ↑ Kieser 2018, p. 28.
- ↑ Suny 2015, pp. 367–368.
- ↑ Cheterian 2015, p. 203.
- ↑ Suciyan 2015, p. 65.
- ↑ Kévorkian 2020, p. 161.
- ↑ Ulgen 2010, p. 373.
- ↑ Andrew Mango, Atatürk, John Murray, 1999, ISBN 978-0-7195-6592-2 Search this book on
., p. 214.
- ↑ Findley, Carter V. (2010-09-21). Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789-2007. Yale University Press. p. 222. ISBN 978-0-300-15260-9. Search this book on
- ↑ 87.0 87.1 Rustow, Dankwart A. (1968). pp.794–795
- ↑ Patrick Kinross: Rebirth of a Nation (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p.293
- ↑ Ahmad, The Making of Modern Turkey, 50
- ↑ Heper, Metin; Sayari, Sabri (7 May 2013). The Routledge Handbook of Modern Turkey. Routledge. p. 41. ISBN 978-1-136-30964-9. Search this book on
- ↑ Dadrian, Vahakn N.; Akçam, Taner (2011). Judgment at Istanbul: The Armenian Genocide Trials. Berghahn Books. pp. 196, 199. ISBN 978-0-85745-251-1. Search this book on
- ↑ Macfie, A.L. (2014). Atatürk. Routledge. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-138-83-647-1. Search this book on
- ↑ Documents on British Foreign Policy, vol. vii, p. 303.
- ↑ В. Шеремет. Босфор. Moscow, 1995, p. 241.
- ↑ "A short history of AA". Anadolu Ajansı Genel Müdürlüğü. Archived from the original on 9 January 2008. Retrieved 1 January 2008.
Ikdam newspaper dated 9 August 1921, reproducing the dispatches of AA dated 5 August and 6th, 1921, announced that Mustafa Kemal was promoted to Chief Commander
Unknown parameter|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Greco-Turkish wars, Britannica CD 99
- ↑ James, Edwin L. "Kemal Won't Insure Against Massacres Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine," New York Times, 11 September 1922.
- ↑ Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 365
- ↑ "Turkey – Declaration of the Turkish republic | history – geography". Encyclopedia Britannica. Archived from the original on 14 September 2020. Retrieved 21 November 2017. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ "Republic Day in Turkey". www.timeanddate.com. Archived from the original on 21 August 2022. Retrieved 21 November 2017. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 394
- ↑ Baten, Jörg (2016). A History of the Global Economy. From 1500 to the Present. Cambridge University Press. p. 226. ISBN 9781107507180. Search this book on
- ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 367
- ↑ Gerd Nonneman, Analyzing Middle East foreign policies and the relationship with Europe, Published 2005 Routledge, p. 204 ISBN 0-7146-8427-9 Search this book on
.
- ↑ M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (9 May 2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. Princeton University Press. p. 55. ISBN 978-1-4008-3817-2. Archived from the original on 1 August 2023. Retrieved 4 June 2013. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) Search this book on
- ↑ Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk: social process in the Turkish reformation, 245
- ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 391–392
- ↑ 108.0 108.1 Mango, Atatürk, 362
- ↑ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 252
- ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 501
- ↑ Bozkurt, Gülnihal (2003). "Atatürk Dönemi Türk Dış Politikası". Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi.
- ↑ Demirci, Fatih Kadro Hareketi ve Kadrocular, Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2006, sayı 15.
- ↑ Ergüder, J. 1927 Komünist Tevkifatı, "İstanbul Ağır Ceza Mahkemesindeki Duruşma", Birikim Yayınları, İstanbul, 1978
- ↑ Başvekalet Kararlar Dairesi Müdürlüğü 15 Aralık 1937 tarih, 7829 nolu kararname Archived 7 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Erişim tarihi: 9 Şubat 2019. Ayrıca: Arşiv bağlantısı.
- ↑ 115.0 115.1 115.2 Koçak, Cemil (2005) "Parliament Membership during the Single-Party System in Turkey (1925–1945)", European Journal of Turkish Studies
- ↑ 116.0 116.1 116.2 116.3 116.4 Majid Khadduri (2006) War and peace in the law of Islam, The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd., ISBN 1-58477-695-1 Search this book on
.. pp. 290–91
- ↑ "Review: Revivalism, Shi'a Style". The National Interest. 3 January 2007. Archived from the original on 13 February 2008. Retrieved 6 September 2013. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 403
- ↑ 119.0 119.1 Mango, Atatürk, 401
- ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 404
- ↑ Eksi, Oktay (16 April 2008). "Paralardaki resimler". Hurriyet. Archived from the original on 21 November 2011. Retrieved 24 April 2008.
İsmet Paşa "kurumlaşma" ile neyi kastettiğini de şöyle anlattı:
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Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk'ün emriyle 10'uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina ettik...|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. Princeton University Press. p. 158. ISBN 978-1-4008-3817-2. Archived from the original on 1 August 2023. Retrieved 5 June 2013. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) Search this book on
- ↑ "1924". Ministry of Culture And Tourism. Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 4 June 2013. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ 124.0 124.1 124.2 124.3 124.4 124.5 124.6 124.7 124.8 Wolf-Gazo, John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission, 15–42.
- ↑ Republic of Turkey Ministry of National Education. "Atatürk's views on education". T.C. Government. Archived from the original on 28 October 2007. Retrieved 20 November 2007. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ 126.0 126.1 126.2 İğdemir, Atatürk, 165–70
- ↑ Quoted in Atatürkism, Vol. 1 (Istanbul: Office of the Chief of General Staff, 1982), 126.
- ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 435
- ↑ Kastamonu Nutku
- ↑ "SABAH – 28/10/2005 – Mevlevi Alayı ile Atatürk'e destek oldular". arsiv.sabah.com.tr. Archived from the original on 21 December 2019. Retrieved 10 February 2019. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Patrick Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, 397
- ↑ Üngör, Umut. "Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913–1950" (PDF). University of Amsterdam. pp. 235–36. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 November 2020. Retrieved 8 April 2020. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Üngör, Umut. "Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913–1950" (PDF). University of Amsterdam. p. 258. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 November 2020. Retrieved 8 April 2020. Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ 134.0 134.1 134.2 134.3 134.4 Mango, Atatürk, 418
- ↑ Weiker, Book Review of Zürcher's "Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic: The Progressive Republican Party, 1924–1925", 297–98
- ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 419
- ↑ Touraj Atabaki, Erik Jan Zürcher, 2004, Men of Order: authoritarian modernization under Atatürk and Reza Shah, I.B. Tauris, ISBN 1-86064-426-0 Search this book on
., page 207
- ↑ The Tomb Room. Archived 5 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine
- ↑ 139.0 139.1 Daisy Hilse Dwyer, (1990), "Law and Islam in the Middle East", p. 77, ISBN 978-0-89789-151-6 Search this book on
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- ↑ Atillasoy, Atatürk : The First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic, 13.
- ↑ Mango, Atatürk, 164
- ↑ Tüfekçi, Universality of Atatürk's philosophy
- ↑ Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, p. 343
- ↑ Göksel, İdil (2013). "Female labor force participation in Turkey: The role of conservatism". Women's Studies International Forum. 41: 45–54. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2013.04.006.
- ↑ Atillasoy, Atatürk : first president and founder of the Turkish Republic, 15
- ↑ Falih Rıfkı Atay (1969). Çankaya. Istanbul. p. 440
- ↑ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 190
- ↑ Kayadibi, Fahri (2006). "Atatürk Döneminde Eğitim ve Bilim Alanında Gelişmeler". Istanbul University Journal of the Faculty of Theology (in Türkçe) (13): 1–21.
- ↑ Wiegand, Wayne A.; Davis, Donald G., eds. (1994). Encyclopedia of Library History. Routledge. p. 462. Search this book on
- ↑ Özelli, The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and Its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic, 77–92
- ↑ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 191
- ↑ Kapluhan, Erol (2011), Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Atatürk Dönemi Eğitim Politikaları (1923–1938) ve Coğrafya Eğitimi (PhD thesis) (in Türkçe), Marmara University, pp. 203–5
- ↑ Gürses, Fatma (2010), "Kemalizm'in Model Ders Kitabı: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler", Akademik Bakış, 4 (7), pp. 233–49, archived from the original on 9 April 2017, retrieved 29 May 2020 Unknown parameter
|url-status=ignored (help) - ↑ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 204–05

