Brazilian Social Action
Brazilian Social Action Ação Social Brasileira | |
|---|---|
| Leader | José Fabrino |
| Founded | June 1933 |
| Dissolved | September 1933 |
| Succeeded by | Extinct |
| Headquarters | Rio de Janeiro |
| Newspaper | A Batalha (The Battle) |
| Membership | 20.000 members |
| Ideology | Fascism[1] |
| Party flag | |
 | |
Brazilian Social Action (ASB, National Fascist Party) was a fascist political party and organization founded by the future diplomat of the State of Israel, José Fabrino, active during 1933 in Rio de Janeiro.
History and Doctrine
During the 1930s in Brazil, several groups of a fascist nature emerged in the political Brazilian scene, scattered across the national territory, giving "lectures at bookstore doors" and discussing among themselves. Among these groups, the Ação Social Brasileira arose, founded by the Minas Gerais figure José Fabrino, who sought to be a union of fascists scattered across Brazil and supporters of the failed fascisms of the 1920s in Brazil[2][3]. The party, having certain relevance in the periodical 'A Batalha', — its main propagator —, which was directed by the General Staff member of the party, Júlio Barata[4], proposed to establish a State corporatist totalitarian state in the mold of fascist in Brazil.[3][5][6][7]
The party sought support mainly among the press circles of the time, claiming that, in other countries where fascism had triumphed, the press had been the last to be conquered by the regime; but in Brazil, fascism should be built "by and with the press"; receiving numerous adhesions from journalists in Rio de Janeiro, — at least 110 signatory journalists from Rio de Janeiro in its manifesto —, who were curious about the regime of Benito Mussolini and believed that implementing it under the banner of the ASB was a solution to Brazil's national problems.[8][9]
The doctrine of "Fabrinist fascism" was a facsimile copy of Italian fascism; claiming the Brazilian Duce that "it is preferable to copy what is good" rather than "follow what doesn't work," and that he saw no reason why fascist ideas could not be imported to tropical lands, although making concessions to the "temperament and interests" of the population[10][11]. Thus, issuing its own statutes, backed by the doctrines of Giovanni Gentile and Benito Mussolini, the Party had as the maximum expression of its ideas "Discipline in the service of Will, the Law above Man, Order above the Law, Right above Order, and the Fatherland above all."[5] It was, above all, vehemently messianic, — although not necessarily in the figure of Fabrino —, totalitarian and miserably lacked intellectual sources, which it either did not seek or sometimes even rejected, making journalists its maximum "intellectual support."[12][9] The fascists would wear blue shirts as uniform and had an oath, which consisted of:[13]
"In the name of God and the Fatherland, I swear to follow, without discussing them, the orders of the Leader and to serve, with all my strength, whatever the personal or family sacrifices, the program of the ASB (PNF), which summarizes my aspirations to see Brazil and its people great!"
Upon making such an oath, the Leader would, in return, make another:
"And I swear, upon what you have sworn, because I believe in you, because believing in us will make great the history we have and even the future we aspire to!"
The party denied democracy in its two facets, presidentialist or parliamentary.[14]
Despite the trends of the time, the Brazilian fascists were not antisemitic, with the Leader of the movement being an admirer of Israel, and, nevertheless, a future diplomat of this State[11]; although they showed eugenicist tendencies, not allowing in their ranks, according to their statutes, people with disabilities nor men below 1.60m.[13]
Relation with other nationalisms
Unlike other political parties Brazilian of a fascist nature of the time, the ASB did not seek to be a "nucleus of metaphysicians," but a "economic" and "practical" solution for the days then.[2]
It showed antipathy toward the Brazilian Integralist Action in its beginning, signaling that fascism could not be attributed to integralism, as this movement had renounced such a word and that would cost it any chance of political victory.[2]
The leader of the movement even stated that in common between the Brazilian Integralist Action and the Ação Social Brasileira, there was only "the first and last name," this being a "fascist party, frankly fascist, rigidly fascist, courageously fascist," while that one "not only crossed out the word 'fascism' from all its works," but fled from the term and emphasized, mainly through its chief, Plínio Salgado, how integralism "bears no resemblance to fascism, from which it is quite distant by being higher up."
Showing doctrinal coherence, Fabrino declared that, while the fascists sought in the superficial resolution of the economy, politics, and finance their system, the integralists exposed their strictly revolutionary view of "social reform, moral and cultural," where, if such reforms did not triumph, everything would be over. He made such an analysis to say that the fascists found the problems superficial, while the green-shirts joined a "movement of imagination," mentioning that the fascists were with the "pure reality," while the integralists with the "pure philosophy." He made opposition, saying that the green elements sought in the field of poets and sociologists their adherents, while the fascists were of the people, these who did not demand intellectuality; but "schools, cheap tariffs, hospitals, stable exchange, easy money, protection to agriculture, especially to coffee, [...] good roads, unity of the Fatherland, honest collection of revenues, justice, honesty, decision, firmness...", which they demanded, in summary, for fascism.[9]
Legacy
The movement, which seemed to function well, suddenly disappeared, having suffered from financial problems at its end.[3]
References
- ↑ GONÇALVES, Leandro Pereira; NETO, Edilon Caldeira (2020). O Fascismo em Camisas-Verdes: Do Integralismo ao Neointegralismo. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: FGV Editora. Search this book on
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 FREITAS, Bezerra de (1933). "O Fascismo no Brasil" [The Fascism in Brazil]. A Batalha (in português).
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 ROCHA, Gustavo Binhardi (2019). A TRAJETÓRIA POLÍTICA DE J. FABRINO, UM FASCISTA BRASILEIRO [J. FABRINO'S POLITICAL TRAJETORY: A BRAZILIAN FASCIST] (in português). Search this book on
- ↑ BARATA, Júlio (1933). "Um novo partido político em São Paulo?" [A new political party in São Paulo?]. A Batalha (in português).
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 TRINDADE, Hélgio (1974). Integralismo: O Fascismo Brasileiro na Década de 30 [Integralism: The Brazilian Fascism on 30s Decade] (in português). São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro. Search this book on
- ↑ Muniz, JOSUÉ; LIMA, Matheus (2023). "O Verdadeiro Fascismo à Brasileira" [The True Brazilian Fascism]. Nova Acção (in português). Retrieved 2025-07-10.
- ↑ "O justo castigo de um indesejável" [The just punishment of an undesirable]. A Batalha (in português). 1933.
- ↑ FABRINO, José (1933). "Algumas palavras à Imprensa Brasileira" [Some words to the Brazilian Press]. A Batalha (in português).
- ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 FABRINO, José (1933). "O primeiro choque" [The first shock]. A Batalha (in português).
- ↑ "Pela implantação do Fascismo" [For the implantation of Fascism]. A Batalha. 1933.
- ↑ 11.0 11.1 FABRINO, José (1933). "Queremos imitar Mussolini" [We want to imitate Mussolini]. A Batalha (in português).
- ↑ FABRINO, José (1933). "Quem será o nosso Mussolini?" [Who will be our Mussolini?]. A Batalha (in português).
- ↑ 13.0 13.1 CUNHA, Euclides da (1933). "Regimento interno da Ação Social Brasileira (Partido Nacional Fascista)" [Internal Regulations of Brazilian Social Action (National Fascist Party)]. A Batalha (in português).
- ↑ FABRINO, José (1933). "Nem presidencialismo, nem parlamentarismo, mas fascismo" [Neither presidentialism nor parliamentarianism, but fascism]. A Batalha (in português).
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