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Trumpism in Canada

From EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki



Trudeau and Trump in 2017

Trumpism (French: trumpisme),[1] which includes the rhetoric, methods of acquiring power, approach to government, movement and recurring themes of 45th President of the United States Donald Trump and his core followers,[2][3] exists in Canada.[4][5][6][7][8][9]

Canada's immigration policies were praised in 2016 as Canadian exceptionalism by The Economist, the New York Times and The Atlantic.[10] 80 per cent Canadians believe that immigration is a positive factor for the Canadian economy. While there are some right-of-centre politicians who have used Trumpian anti-immigrant rhetoric, this did not dissuade Canadians from remaining more open to legal immigration.[11] Politicians, like premiers Doug Ford in Ontario and Jason Kenney in Alberta have been compared to Trump, but those who disagree with this comparison distinguish the Canadian brand of populism from Trump's.[7][12]

During the 2019 Canadian federal election campaign, Canada's usual relatively tame elections echoed aspects of Trumpism, which included copy-cat slogans,[13][14] conspiracy theories, and misinformation, often targeting Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.[13][14]

The expletive-laden anti-Trudeau messaging displayed in 2019, was also very visible during the 2022 Canada convoy protest,[15] along with American flags, including the Confederate flag.[16] Thousands of MAGA-labelled Twitter accounts shared #TrudeauMustGo posts.[13][14] Influential Americans, like former President Donald Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Laura Ingraham, as well as Elon Musk supported the protests and denounced Prime Minister Trudeau.[17][16] American Trump supporters helped fund the protests[18] and the American participation was described as "significant" by the Ottawa police.[16] The protests have been described as a "coming-out party for a Trump-flavoured strain of populism in Canada."[19]

Trumpism

Trumpism refers to political ideologies,[20] social emotions, style of governance, political movement and set of mechanisms for acquiring and keeping power that are associated with Donald Trump and his political base. The term has been applied to conservative-nationalist and national-populist movements in other Western democracies.

In a November 2020 interview on The Current, immediately following the US elections, law professor Allan Rock, who served as Canada's attorney general and as Canada's ambassador to the United Nations, described Trumpism and its potential impact on Canada.[21] Rock said that even with Trump losing the election, he had "awakened something that won't go away". He said it was something "we can now refer to as Trumpism"—a force that he has "harnessed". Trump has "given expression to an underlying frustration and anger, that arises from economic inequality, from the implications from globalization."[21] Rock cautioned that Canada must "keep up its guard against the spread of Trumpism"[4] which he described as "destabilizing", "crude", "nationalistic", "ugly", "divisive", "racist", and "angry".[21] Rock added that one measurable impact on Canada of the "overtly racist behaviour" associated with Trumpism is that racists, especially White supremacists, have become emboldened since 2016, resulting in a steep increase in the number of these organizations in Canada and a shockingly high increase in the rate of hate crimes in 2017 and 2018 in Canada.[21]

Rise of Trumpism in Canada

In the run up to the 2019 Canadian federal election, supporters of Conservative Andrew Scheer, then leader of the Conservative Party and leader of the Official Opposition denounced Prime Minister and leader of the Liberal Party Justin Trudeau with calls to "lock him up", a copy cat of the attack against Trump's opponent, Hillary Clinton.[13] Despite MAGA-labelled thousands of Twitter accounts using #TrudeauMustGo and other anti-Trudeau hashtags for months before the election, Trudeau won.[13][14]

The tenor of the federal election which is usually "brief" and "tame" changed in 2019 with the spread of "wild conspiracy theories", misinformation, and "falsehoods" disparaging Trudeau.[14] Journalists were increasingly harassed. The campaign was more divisiveness. Far-right groups tried to take over discussions.[14] Canada had been one of the last countries to avoid the lies and viciousness in political campaigns. Claire Wardle, who is the founder of a global elections misinformation monitoring organization, First Draft News, said that "bad actors" had figured out how to amplify their baseless claims by getting the attention of someone with huge followings, such as President Donald Trump. This became a "global playbook for misinformation".[14] Wardle described how politicians and their strategists learned through Trump that there were no negative repercussions for spreading misinformation or conspiracy theories. There was no public shame or regulation. In the echo chamber of mass followers, fact checkers had no impact, according to Wardle.[14]

In 2020, academics at Ryerson University in Toronto said that Trumpism had already "significantly affected the political discourse in Canada" and that there was clear evidence that it was "influencing our national and political identity, behaviour, economics and society."[22] Ryerson Department of Politics and Public Administration professor, Wayne Petrozzi, said that Trump was not simply an "aberration", but a "culmination of a process that was building inside American politics for decades."[22] Early indications of Trumpism in Canada, included alt-right flyers circulating in Toronto in 2016 asking, "Hey white person, tired of political correctness?"[22]

The president of the Alberta Federation of Labour, Gil McGowan, raised concerns in November 2020, that Alberta Premier Jason Kenney was using the "Trump/Republican playbook on COVID" by accepting the false dichotomy of protecting the economy versus saving lives by managing the pandemic.[23] McGowan said that Kenney's COVID-19-related public health policies were based on "libertarian talking points" and ignored "common sense precautions to protect the public good."[23]

According to an October 2020 Léger poll for 338 Canada of Canadian voters, the number of "pro-Trump conservatives" has been growing in the Conservative Party of Canada, whose leadership Erin O'Toole had then recently assumed. Maclean's said that this might explain O'Toole's "True Blue" social conservative campaign.[9] The Conservative Party of Canada is a "big tent" party which also includes "centrist" conservatives as well as Red Tories[9]—also described as small-c conservative, centre-right or paternalistic conservatives as per the Tory tradition in the United Kingdom.

Not all Canadians agree that Trumpism is viable in Canada. Canadian communications and political strategist Peter Donolo, who served as Prime Minister Jean Chrétien's Director of Communications from 1993 to 1999, wrote in an article in The Globe and Mail in August 2020 that Canadians feared that "the pathogens of Trumpism—with all its hatred and rage—would "infect the Canadian body politic", but they should not.[7] While populist politicians, such as premiers Jason Kenney of Alberta and Doug Ford of Ontario, were compared to Trump, Donolo rejected the comparison. The Globe's Justin Giovanetti said that Kenney channelled populism, not Trump.[12]

Donolo agreed with the findings of the pollster Michael Adams, who wrote about the possibility of Trumpism in Canada in his 2017 book Could It Happen Here? Canada in the Age of Trump and Brexit.[24] Adams said that Canada has a "long history of compromise and accommodation", which lacks both "glamour" and "drama" but has been "quite effective." Donolo said that the more important reason that Canada does not need to fear Trumpism is "money and economies of scale". The Canadian market is not "big or lucrative enough".[7]

The 2022 Canada convoy protests, which was called called the Freedom Convoy by protest organizers, were a series of protests and blockades initially against COVID-19 vaccine mandates and restrictions. After thousands of protestors arrived in Ottawa, hundreds of trucks blockaded the downtown core for weeks, and demonstrators set up camp on Parliament Hill with barbecues, a bouncy castle, and hot tubs, Prime Minister invoked the Emergency Act and removed the demonstrators by force between February 17 and 20.[15] There were hundreds of arrests and the organizers have been charged with numerous crimes which may lead to lengthy jail sentences. The protest in the capital and at the US-Canada border costs millions of dollars. There was no major physical injuries or damage to property.[25] Between February 17 and 20, a large joint-operation police presence in Ottawa arrested organizers and protesters, removed parked vehicles, and dismantled blockades from Ottawa streets. By February 21, most of the protesters had been cleared from Ottawa. The protests were partially funded by American donors who are also Republican Trump supporters.[18]

Canadian exceptionalism

Trudeau and Trump in 2017

One area in which Canada is considered to be exceptional by some is in its immigration policy, although this has been debated.[26] The international press, including The Economist, has given Canada positive coverage in the way immigrants are welcomed—in a "depressing [world] of wall-builders, door-slammers and drawbridge-raisers, Canada stands out as a heartening exception".[11] The Economist noted that there were some right-of-centre politicians who used "Trumpian rhetoric" to stoke fears of the "shrinking middle class" and "Islamist terrorism", but this did not dissuade Canadians from being more open to immigration.[11] Both the New York Times and The Atlantic published headlines saying Canada had resisted "the West’s populist wave” and escaped “the liberal doom loop."[10]

In February 2017, McGill University hosted a conference, "Canadian Exceptionalism: Are we good or are we lucky?", to discuss how Canada could avoid the "fate of the U.S. and other faltering states".[27] At that time, Sarah Kendzior, told the academics and scholars at McGill that Canada would not fall "prey to Trumpism" because it was uniquely American.[27] In the US, Trumpism was a "perfect storm combining immoral kleptocrats, weakened civil institutions, systemic racism, Russian meddling, the idiosyncrasies of the electoral college and a sensationalized runoff between the two most widely loathed candidates in U.S. history".[27] Kendzior cautioned that no country, including Canada, is immune from autocracy, white supremacy, nationalism and xenophobia that was sweeping across western democracies. All democratic countries are vulnerable to voting in authoritarians who will seek to destroy democratic processes.[27]

In his February 2022, Macleans article John Geddes—the magazine's Ottawa bureau chief—wrote that the 2022 Ottawa convoy protests should dispel the illusion that Canada is insulated from right-wing populism.[28] He said Canadians are just as susceptible as Americans were to Trump or the British to Brexit, or the French to Marine Le Pen.[28] Geddes wrote that Canada also struggles with "economic anxiety, nativist intolerance, regional resentments" which are exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Geddes credits the strongest elements of Canada's democracy—its electoral system, its immigration policies, and judicial system—among others, with holding the country together, not something in Canada's national character that makes us less likely to "gather for an unruly, unreasonable protest, issue blatantly undemocratic demands, and lay siege to the capital."[28]

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) re-opened far-right extremism investigations following the January 29, 2017 Quebec City mosque shooting, a terrorist attack at the Islamic Cultural Centre of Quebec City by a young white university student who was subsequently charged with and found guilty of six counts of first-degree murder and six counts of attempted murder,[29][30] and sentenced to life in prison.[31] While "anti-Muslim violence has been endemic since for decades", according to sociologist, Laura J. Kwak, this form of violence was not being investigated prior to the killing of six people in Sainte-Foy.[32] In her research based on Canadian media accounts of the "heinous massacre", Gada Mahrouse questioned the way in which the Canadian public and the courts hesitated to describe the attack on 40 Muslims at prayer in a mosque, as racially motivated.[33] It was evident from court documents that the perpetrator had studied other domestic terrorists, such as the 2015 Charleston church massacre in the US perpetrated by a young white male American who was a white supremacist and neo-Nazi and the 1989 École Polytechnique de Montréal massacre. He was also accessing extensive far right content online.[33]

Canada convoy protests

Main article: Canada convoy protest
American flag on convoy protest supply truck

Days before the Canada convoy protest was scheduled to arrive in Ottawa, allegedly to protest the January 15, 2022 federal vaccine mandate for truckers, the National Observer reported that the convoy—riled by the misrepresentation of reality, "false information", and "fake controversies"—"key ingredients in the toxic stew of Trumpism", had reached a "dangerous new level".[17] The article said that both Laura Ingraham from Fox News and Donald Trump Jr. had been referring to the Canadian truck convoy while "fanning the same flames" that contributed to the 2021 United States Capitol attack.[17] The protests have been described as a "coming-out party for a Trump-flavoured strain of populism in Canada."[19]

Anti-Trudeau messaging during 2022 occupation of Ottawa

In his February 2022, Macleans article John Geddes—the magazine's Ottawa bureau chief—wrote that the 2022 Ottawa convoy protests should dispel any illusion that Canada is insulated from right-wing populism.[28] He said Canadians are just as susceptible as Americans were to Trump, the British to Brexit, or the French to Marine Le Pen.[28] Geddes wrote that Canada also struggles with "economic anxiety, nativist intolerance, regional resentments" which were exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Geddes credits the strongest elements of Canada's democracy—its electoral system, its immigration policies, and judicial system—with holding the country together, not something in Canada's national character that makes us less likely to "gather for an unruly, unreasonable protest, issue blatantly undemocratic demands, and lay siege to the capital."[28]

Christine Mitchell, an adjunct professor of religion and culture at the University of Saskatchewan, said that there were white Christian nationalists among the convoy demonstrators in Ottawa. Like the American Christian nationalists who believe they are the only authentic Americans, their Canadian counterparts believe that they are the only authentic Canadians.[34] Mitchell cites Anthea Butler's White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America who described white Christian evangelicalism as a "political movement dedicated to shaping a white [...] nation". Butler says that when white Christians speak of freedom, they are referring to the elevation of their own freedom while suppressing that of others.

The University of Alabama's Department of Religious Studies, the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of American History and the University of Edinburgh's Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, who are collaborating on a project called "Uncivil Religion", describe Christian nationalism as the "connection between Christian identities, American national identities and political beliefs".[34] A CBC News report said there was a strong presence of evangelical Christians at the protests with "biblical references...everywhere".[35] Mitchell said that a truck displayed 2 Chronicles 7:14, which according to Mitchell is a text cited by the Christian Right in the US that supports their belief that they are the remaining authentic Christians who are "responsible for morally or spiritually healing" the "modern nation of the US."[34] Sarah Posner, who has published about the Christian Right, wrote about its role at the convoy protests in Ottawa. In a January 2021 article, Posner wrote that the Christian right linked to the Trump administration played an integral role in the 2021 United States Capitol attack with Jericho March speeches focused on "themes of biblical war and Christian redemption".[36] She said that "Christian-right activists inside and outside of government promoted the election fraud lie and claimed God told them to 'let the church roar.'"[36] She said that there was a common thread between the American Christian nationalists and the Canadian version in that they are both "are anti-government. They're looking to bring down secular government."[37] Posner said that the Canadian evangelical protestors were supported by the American evangelical Christians who believed that the "godly protesters [were] being persecuted and oppressed by the Canadian authorities." She cited an example of a call for prayer for Artur Pawlowski who was arrested for his COVID-19 anti-mask and anti-lockdown activism.[37]

Immigration restrictionism

Immigration restrictionism plays a significant role in Trumpism.

Then Immigration Minister Jason Kenney in New Delhi in 2010

While populist politicians, such as premiers Jason Kenney of Alberta and Doug Ford of Ontario, were compared to Trump, Donolo rejected the comparison. Kenney had served as a former senior cabinet minister under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, in which capacity he was a very "effective ambassador to Canada's ethno-cultural communities".[7] Likewise, Ford hosted an annual festival with a highly diverse gathering.[7] Canadians reached consensus on Canada's public health care system and immigration.

Adams says Canada's immigration policy results in "demographic renewal" that had "plausibly become" a "defining feature" as well as the mechanism that "injects values of openness, tolerance and compromise into every sphere of social life."[24]

A September 2021 Environics Institute survey found that 80% of Canadians agree that immigration has a positive impact on the economy and 65% do not think that the current immigration levels are too high.[38] Among the political parties, 81% New Democratic Party supporters, 70% of Bloc Québécois supporters, and 54% of Conservative Party of Canada supporters think that immigration levels are adequate.[38] The federal goal for immigration levels is to "welcome at least 401,000 new immigrants annually" starting in 2022.[38] The current attitude that Canadians need immigrants to increase the population is a "sea change" since the 1980s and 1990s, when most Canadians firmly rejected the need for more immigrants.[38]

Kellie Leitch, a cabinet minister in former Prime Minister Stephen Harper's government and a candidate in the 2017 Conservative Party of Canada leadership election, said Trump's victory in the 2016 United States presidential election was an "exciting message and one that we need delivered in Canada as well."[39] Leitch's proposal to screen immigrants for "anti-Canadian values" was compared to Trump's immigration restrictionism.[40]

Then PC Tourism Minister Bernier in 2013 with Dr. K. Chiranjeevi in New Delhi

Maxime Bernier, who is the leader of the People's Party of Canada, and is known for supporting strong immigration restrictions, was described in a 2021 Washington Post article, as a "far-right politician who is compared to Trump."[41] In 2019, Bernier ran a campaign calling for the construction of a fence along the Canada-United States border. He lost his own seat in that election.[41]

Populist themes, sentiments, and methods

Public opinion researcher Frank Graves had been studying the rise of populism in Canada for several years. In a June 30, 2020 School of Public Policy journal article, authors Graves and Jeff Smith described a decrease in trust in the news and in journalists since 2011 in Canada, along with an increase in skepticism which "reflects the emergent fake news convictions so evident in supporters of Trumpian populism."[42] Graves and Smith wrote of the impact on Canada of a "new authoritarian, or ordered, populism" that resulted in the 2016 election of President Trump.[42] They said that 34% of Canadians hold a populist viewpoint—most of whom are in Alberta and Saskatchewan—who tend to be "older, less-educated, and working-class", are more likely to embrace "ordered populism", and are "more closely aligned" with conservative political parties.[42] This "ordered populism" includes concepts such as a right-wing authoritarianism, obedience, hostility to outsiders, and strongmen who will take back the country from the "corrupt elite" and return it to a perceived better time in history, where there was more law and order.[42] It is xenophobic, does not trust science, has no sympathy for equality issues related to gender and ethnicity, and is not part of a "healthy" democracy.[42] The authors say that this ordered populism had reached a "critical force" in Canada that is causing polarization and "needs to be addressed".[42] Trump's 21st-century brand of narcissism makes him believe that he can solve any problem; this is appealing to people who feel they have lost control of their lives and seek a leader who seems to know what he is doing during troubling times.[43]

Treatment of media as biased adversaries

Trump included the media as well as "elitist conspiracies" and Democrats as "objects of his wrath". [44] He accused the mainstream media of being biased, treated journalists as adversaries, and called their work "fake news".[20]

Convoy 2022 anti-media messaging

In his August 24, 2019, speech conceding the victory of his successor Erin O'Toole as the newly elected leader of the Conservative Party, Andrew Scheer cautioned Canadians to not believe the "narrative" from mainstream media outlets but to "challenge" and "double check...what they see on TV on the internet" by consulting "smart, independent, objective organizations like The Post Millennial and True North.[45][6] The Observer said that Jeff Ballingall, who is the founder of the right-wing Ontario Proud,[46] is also the chief marketing officer of The Post Millennial.[47]

Trump-style rhetoric

Trump used "mockery and defamation" to belittle his political opponents.[20] His confrontational rhetoric appeals to people who feel frustrated that the government has let them down.[43]

In the first year of Trump's presidency, he used "radically transgressive" racist rhetoric that dehumanized its targets and undermined what had been considered to be norms of a democratic society. He used this inflammatory rhetoric to consolidate power over his base who connected with him on an emotional level as he provided them with targets for their resentments. This hate-filled rhetoric succeeded in distracting the attention of the media away from what he was actually quietly and successfully achieving in terms of public policy changes.[48]

Journalist Max Fawcett, who is a former editor of Alberta Oil magazine, warned that the use of "Trump-style rhetoric" by some of Canada's "key politicians" is "dangerous".[6] O'Toole featured a modified version of Trump's slogan—"Take Back Canada"—in a video released as part of his official leadership candidacy platform. At the end of the video he called on Canadians to "[j]oin our fight, let's take back Canada."[49][6] In a September 8, 2020, CBC interview, when asked if his "Canada First" policy was different from Trump's "America First" policy, O'Toole said, "No, it was not."[50]

Focus on sentiments

Social emotions and outrage porn

Ken Boessenkool, a senior research fellow at the C. D. Howe Institute who worked as a Conservative strategist and as Stephen Harper's campaign manager, cautioned Canadians against what he called "casual Trumpism" in the personal and political, in a January 12, 2021, CBC The Current interview.[51][52] He urged party members to "find policy solutions that speak to [voters], as opposed to stoking their anger."[51]

During a session on "Polarization and cynicism in the contemporary media mnvironment" at the annual Canadian Political Science Association conference, Ian Stedman described an emerging outrage porn problem in the Canadian political landscape that threatened debates on government ethics and accountability.[53] He examined how heightened emotional responses via hashtags and memes were overly simplifying complex debates on social issues instead of contributing to thoughtful discourse. Stedman cited examples of the way in which headlines in Canadian media resembled tweets by President Donald Trump that are intended to elicit emotional responses not call for open debate. Trump's "hollow outrage" became normalized as it was a magnet for attracting engagement. It is based on disapproving and not listening to comments reflecting a differing perspective.[53]

Trump's supporters in Canada

Trump supporters arguing with protestors at 2017 Women's March in Calgary, Alberta

In 2016, 57% of Conservative voters approved of Trump.[28] Only 15% of Canadians said they supported Trump in 2020; most condemned him.[54]

Trump supporters were very active for months prior to the 2019 Canadian federal election, "spout[ing] conspiracy-tinged, anti-Trudeau invective". Thousands of MAGA-labelled Twitter trolls posted anti-Trudeau hashtags such as #TrudeauMustGo and #ExpletiveTrudeau other anti-Trudeau hashtags for months before the election.[13][14]

In January 2022, Lawrence Martin wrote in an opinion piece for The Globe and Mail that Trump's main base of support in Canada was in the Prairie provinces for reasons such as his opposition to political correctness, his opposition to climate change mitigation and his support for oil which is a major industry in those provinces, and his general populism. Ekos Research Associates president Frank Graves also stated in an interview for the article that Trump supporters in Canada are under the age of 50, working-class, male, less educated and live mainly outside urban cores, which is similar to Trump's base in America.[55] He also stated that he believed the same forces that produced the Trump presidency in the U.S. are at work in Canada, albeit on a smaller scale. Though he said that it was too difficult to tell if Trump's level of support would grow or decline in Canada, he pointed to the support level for the right-wing People's Party of Canada over the next few years as a possible barometer.[55]

Following the 2020 United States elections, National Post columnist and former newspaper magnate, Conrad Black, who had had a "decades-long" friendship with Trump, and received a presidential pardon in 2019, in his columns, repeated Trump's "unfounded claims of mass voter fraud" suggesting that the election had been stolen.[9][56]

Canadian politicians and Trumpism

Photograph with O'Toole and Andrew Scheer
O'Toole with Andrew Scheer in 2017

The leader of the opposition, Erin O'Toole seemed to be using Trump's playbook by 2020 with the use of the "Take back Canada" slogan, similar to Trump's MAGA line, during his 2020 Conservative leadership campaign.[57] While O'Toole and Trump were both aggressively against China, unlike Trump, O'Toole favours free trade and is pro-immigration.[57] Trump's anti-China stance may have been accepted by a number of Canadians who otherwise found little common ground with the former US president.[57] According to an October 2020 Léger poll for 338 Canada of Canadian voters, the number of "pro-Trump conservatives" has been growing in the Conservative Party of Canada, whose leadership Erin O'Toole had then recently assumed. Maclean's said that this might explain O'Toole's "True Blue" social conservative campaign.[9] The Conservative Party of Canada is a "big tent" party which also includes "centrist" conservatives as well as Red Tories[9]—also described as small-c conservative, centre-right or paternalistic conservatives as per the Tory tradition in the United Kingdom.

File:Doug Ford in Toronto - 2018 (41065995960) (cropped).jpg
Doug Ford

The Premier of Ontario, Doug Ford, a Conservative "man of the people", has been compared to Trump.[57] Ford had supported Trump for many years including during Trump's 2016 campaign.[58] The Toronto Star compared Ford and his brother Rob Ford's "shtick of using brash and simple slogans to woo working-class voters" to Trump's. Ford "revelled" in the comparison to Trump and suggested the American president had copied the Fords' populist style.[59] Like Trump, Ford has frequently called out the media referring to them as "liars" who want his "blood" in 2018.[58] In 2019, Ford said that back in 2019, Ford said that he was a "big Republican and "God bless the President."[58] By January 2021, Ford's admiration for Trump shifted as Trump's protectionist policies threatened Ontario during the COVID-19 pandemic and during the steel and aluminum trade wars.[59] Ford began to distance himself from Trump after these trade wars, Ford's behavior, and Trump's impeachments.[59]

In 2022, Candice Bergen became Leader of the Opposition and interim leader of the Conservative Party. In a photo, undated but circulated via social media and news media after the 2021 United States Capitol attack, Bergen had worn a baseball cap with the inscription Make America Great Again over a camouflage background. She subsequently condemned the siege but said nothing about the hat.[60][61]

In August 2020, Peter Downing, who was one of the founders of the separatist Wexit party—now the Maverick Party—and the director of the public action committee called the Alberta USA Foundation, installed billboards in Edmonton, Alberta with a large photo of Donald Trump and the question, "Should Alberta join the U.S.?"[62]

Kevin O'Leary, a major candidate in the 2017 Conservative leadership election until he withdrew mid-race, was prominently compared to Trump. Both were celebrity businessmen and reality television personalities. O'Leary contended that his policies differed from Trump's, but also that with his toughness and business background he could represent Canada in negotiations with Trump.[63]

File:Andrew Scheer - 39827097354.jpg
Pierre Poilievre and Andrew Scheer in 2018.

Pierre Poilievre, who is running a successful campaign in the 2022 Conservative Party of Canada leadership election has been compared to Trump.[64] Globe and Mail journalist John Ibbitson says that "Poilievreism[...] is not Trumpism".[64] Ibbetson said that the fears that Poilievre's election would mean that the "MAGA wars [were] coming to Canada", "Trumpists have arrived among us", and that the "Conservative Party is turning into the Republican Party" are misplaced.[64] Poilievre who is running not just for the leadership of the Conservative Party but as the future Prime Minister of Canada, would makes cut backs to federal bureaucracy, remove a number of regulations and decrease funding to the media, particularly the bilingual public broadcaster, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), a federal Crown corporation funded by the federal government.[64] A June 2022 article in The Economist said that Poilievre sought to convert Canadian's "unease into anger" and has focused on "riling them up", not reassuring them.[65] A Conservative Party organiser expressed concerns that "Poilievre is too Trumpian for most voters".[65]

Methods of acquiring power

Social media

Hamad Bin Khalifa University's assistant professor Jones, McGill University's Reihaneh Rabbany, and Texifera's CEO Stuart Shulman, all studied the suspicious and seemingly coordinated activity of the anti-Trudeau online MAGA movement.[66] Trump supporters "spouted conspiracy-tinged, anti-Trudeau invective" according to research by Marc Owen Jones, an assistant professor at Hamad Bin Khalifa University in Doha, Qatar who investigated how Twitter trolls attempted to influence Canadian voters in the federal election.[66][13] Researchers were uncertain whether the anti-Trudeau tweets were posted from Canada or the United States and if they were sent by citizens of Canada who support Trump's politics.[13]

According to Wardell, "Trump has been one of the biggest beneficiaries of the growth of misinformation and partisan media." Worldwide, nationalists and populists have been able to promote falsehoods through social media and Canada is no exception.[14]

See also

Notes

Citations

  1. ↑ Cyr 2020.
  2. ↑ Reicher & Haslam 2016.
  3. ↑ Blyth 2016.
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 Delacourt 2020.
  5. ↑ Donolo 2021.
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 Fawcett 2021.
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 Donolo 2020.
  8. ↑ Donolo 2021a.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5 Fournier 2020.
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 Triadafilopoulos 2021.
  11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 11.2 Economist 2016.
  12. ↑ 12.0 12.1 Giovanetti 2016.
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 13.6 13.7 Stanley-Becker 2019.
  14. ↑ 14.00 14.01 14.02 14.03 14.04 14.05 14.06 14.07 14.08 14.09 Robins-Early 2019.
  15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 Canadian Press 2022.
  16. ↑ 16.0 16.1 16.2 Coletta & Timsit 2022.
  17. ↑ 17.0 17.1 17.2 Fawcett 2022.
  18. ↑ 18.0 18.1 Thompson & Rocha 2022.
  19. ↑ 19.0 19.1 Keenan 2022.
  20. ↑ 20.0 20.1 20.2 Aguirre 2020.
  21. ↑ 21.0 21.1 21.2 21.3 Rock 2020.
  22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 Bir 2020.
  23. ↑ 23.0 23.1 McGowan 2020.
  24. ↑ 24.0 24.1 Adams 2017.
  25. ↑ MacLellan 2022.
  26. ↑ Dwivedi 2019.
  27. ↑ 27.0 27.1 27.2 27.3 Kendzior 2017.
  28. ↑ 28.0 28.1 28.2 28.3 28.4 28.5 28.6 Geddes 2022.
  29. ↑ Montpetit 2019.
  30. ↑ Al Jazeera 2017.
  31. ↑ Queen v. Bissonnette 2019.
  32. ↑ Kwak 2020.
  33. ↑ 33.0 33.1 Mahrouse 2018.
  34. ↑ 34.0 34.1 34.2 Mitchell 2022.
  35. ↑ Barrera 2022.
  36. ↑ 36.0 36.1 Posner 2021.
  37. ↑ 37.0 37.1 Posner 2022.
  38. ↑ 38.0 38.1 38.2 38.3 Miekus 2021.
  39. ↑ Toronto Star & Canadian Press 2016.
  40. ↑ Toronto Life 2016.
  41. ↑ 41.0 41.1 Pannett 2021.
  42. ↑ 42.0 42.1 42.2 42.3 42.4 42.5 Graves & Smith 2020.
  43. ↑ 43.0 43.1 Brooks 2015.
  44. ↑ Fallows 2017.
  45. ↑ CBC News 2020.
  46. ↑ Platt 2018.
  47. ↑ Samphir 2019.
  48. ↑ Pulido et al. 2019.
  49. ↑ Woods 2020.
  50. ↑ O'Toole 2020.
  51. ↑ 51.0 51.1 Galloway 2021.
  52. ↑ Boessenkool 2021.
  53. ↑ 53.0 53.1 Stedman 2017.
  54. ↑ Adams 2022.
  55. ↑ 55.0 55.1 Martin 2022.
  56. ↑ Fisher 2019.
  57. ↑ 57.0 57.1 57.2 57.3 Levitz 2020.
  58. ↑ 58.0 58.1 58.2 Gilson 2020.
  59. ↑ 59.0 59.1 59.2 Benzie 2021.
  60. ↑ CBC 2021.
  61. ↑ Crabb 2021.
  62. ↑ Joannou 2020.
  63. ↑ BBC News 2017.
  64. ↑ 64.0 64.1 64.2 64.3 Ibbitson 2022.
  65. ↑ 65.0 65.1 Economist 2022.
  66. ↑ 66.0 66.1 Rocha 2019.

References

A

  • Adams, Michael (September 26, 2017). Could It Happen Here?: Canada in the Age of Trump and Brexit. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1-5011-7742-2. Search this book on
  • Adams, Michael (January 2, 2022). "We're witnessing the continuing cultural divergence of Canada and the United States". Environics Institute. Retrieved May 21, 2022.
  • Aguirre, Mariano (December 14, 2020). "Trumpism, an ideology for the extreme far-right globally". openDemocracy. Retrieved May 20, 2022.
  • "Quebec: Alexandre Bissonnette charged with six murders". Al Jazeera. January 31, 2017. Archived from the original on March 28, 2018. Retrieved February 3, 2017. Unknown parameter |url-status= ignored (help)

B

C

D

E

""Canada's Trump" is politer than the real thing". Economist. 9 June 2022. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 31 August 2022. F

Fisher, Marc (May 16, 2019). "After a two-decade friendship and waves of lavish praise, Trump pardons newspaper magnate Conrad Black". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved January 12, 2021.

G

H

I

J

K

L

M

O

P

Q

  • The Queen v. Bissonnette, Canlii (Quebec Superior Court 2019-02-08).

R

S

T

V

W


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