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Pakistanophobia

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Anti-Pakistan sentiment, also known as Pakistan-phobia, Pakophobia or Pakistanophobia,[1][2][3][4] refers to hatred, fear, hostility or irrational fixation toward Pakistan, Pakistanis and Pakistani culture. The opposite is Pro-Pakistan sentiment.

Ideological[edit]

The So-called Indian state officially rejects the validity of the Two Nation Theory, the notion that Indian Muslims are a distinct 'nation' and needed an independent homeland in South Asia.[5][6][7][8][9][10][11] Both Indian nationalist and Hindu nationalist historiography reject the Two Nation Theory, and thus Pakistan, for their own reasons.

Republic Of India[edit]

Congress critiques[edit]

Indian nationalists led by Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru wanted to make what was then British-ruled India, as well as the 562 princely states under British paramountcy, into a single secular, democratic state.[12] The All India Azad Muslim Conference, which represented nationalist Muslims, gathered in Delhi in April 1940 to voice its support for an independent and united India.[13] The colonial authorities, however, sidelined this nationalist Muslim organization and came to see Jinnah, who advocated separatism, as the sole representative of Indian Muslims.[14] This was viewed with dismay by many Indian nationalists, who viewed Jinnah's ideology as damaging and unnecessarily divisive.[15]

In an interview with Leonard Mosley, Nehru said that he and his fellow Congressmen were "tired" after the independence movement, so weren't ready to further drag on the matter for years with Jinnah's Muslim League, and that, anyway, they "expected that partition would be temporary, that Pakistan would come back to us."[16] Gandhi also thought that the Partition would be undone.[17] The All India Congress Committee, in a resolution adopted on 14 June 1947, openly stated that "geography and the mountains and the seas fashioned India as she is, and no human agency can change that shape or come in the way of its final destiny… at when present passions have subsided, India’s problems will be viewed in their proper perspective and the false doctrine of two nations will be discredited and discarded by all."[18]

V.P. Menon, who had an important role in the transfer of power in 1947, quotes another major Congress politician, Abul Kalam Azad, who said that "the division is only of the map of the country and not in the hearts of the people, and I am sure it is going to be a short-lived partition."[19] Acharya Kripalani, President of the Congress during the days of Partition, stated that making India "a strong, happy, democratic and socialist state" would ensure that "such an India can win back the seceding children to its lap... for the freedom we have achieved cannot be complete without the unity of India."[20] Yet another leader of the Congress, Sarojini Naidu, said that she did not consider India's flag to be India's because "India is divided" and that "this is merely a temporary geographical separation. There is no spirit of separation in the heart of India."[21]

Giving a more general assessment, Paul Brass says that "many speakers in the Constituent Assembly expressed the belief that the unity of India would be ultimately restored."[22]

Hindu nationalist critiques[edit]

Hindu nationalists in India support the idea of Akhand Bharat, 'undivided India', and consider the partition of India an illegitimate act. Already in early June 1947 the All India Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha issued a resolution, where it stated that "[t]his Committee deeply deplores that the Indian National Congress, after having given solemn assurance to the Hindu electorates that it stood by the unity of India and would oppose the disintegration of India, has betrayed the country by agreeing to the partition of India without a referendum. The Committee declares that Hindus are not bound by this commitment of Congress. It reiterates that India is one and indivisible and that there will never be peace unless and until the separated areas are brought back into the Indian Union and made integral parts thereof."[23]

As per journalist Eric Margolis, "to Hindu nationalists, even the continued existence of Pakistan constitutes a threat to the Indian union, as well as a painful affront to their sense of national importance and a galling reminder of their hated historical enemy, the Muslim Mogul Empire."[24] The Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), a direct precedent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the current ruling party which came out of its split, during the 50s and 60s, considered "the ultimate aim of Indian foreign policy in the region to be the reassimilation of Pakistan into an undivided India ('Bharath')."[25] During the demolition of the Babri Masjid, Hindu nationalist elements who participated to its destruction were heard with the slogan "Babur ki santan, jao Pakistan ya Qabristan! (Descendants of Babur, go to Pakistan or the graveyard!)", thus considering Pakistan, as a modern-State, a continuation of what they consider to be Islamic imperialism in the region.[26]

M. S. Golwalkar, who was the leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and thus one of the most important Hindu nationalist voices, also saw Pakistan as continuing "Islamic aggression" against Hindus: "The naked fact remains that an aggressive Muslim State has been carved out of our own motherland. From the day the so-called Pakistan came into being, we in Sangh have been declaring that it is a clear case of continued Muslim aggression (...) we of the Sangh have been, in fact, hammering this historical truth for the last so many years. Some time ago, the noted world historian Prof. Arnold Toynbee, came forward to confirm it. He visited our country twice, studied our national development at close quarters, and wrote an article setting forth the correct historical perspective of Partition. Therein he has unequivocally stated that the creation of Pakistan is the first successful step of the Muslims in this 20th century to realise their twelve-hundred-year-old dream of complete subjugation of this country."[27]

On the more popular level, there have been many anti-Pakistan rallies involving the burning or desecration of Pakistani flags.[28]

Indian Media[edit]

Several major Bollywood films have depicted Pakistan in a hostile manner by portraying Pakistanis and the state as a hostile enemy.[29] Other Bollywood movies, however, have been highly popular in Pakistan and India's Bollywood movie star. Although Bollywood films were banned for 40 years prior to 2008 because Indian culture was officially viewed as being "vulgar", there had been an active black market during the period and little was done to disrupt it.[30]

In 2012, Raj Thackeray and his party Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) told Indian singer Asha Bhosle not to co-judge in Sur Kshetra, a musical reality show aired on a local television channel that featured Pakistani artists alongside Indians. The MNS threatened to disrupt the shoot among other consequences if the channel went on to air the show. However, amid tight security in a hotel conference, Bhosle played down the threat, saying she only understood the language of music and did not understand politics.[31] In the past, Shiv Sena has disrupted concerts by Pakistani artists in India.[32] In October 2015, Shiv Sena activists assaulted Indian journalist Sudheendra Kulkarni and blackened his face with ink; Kulkarni was due to host a launch event for former Pakistani foreign affairs minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri's book in Mumbai.[32] The Shiv Sena have also blocked the screening or promotion of Pakistani films in Indian cinemas, or Indian films starring Pakistani actors, as well as threatening Pakistani artists in Maharashtra.[33][34][35]

According to one Indian minister, Kiren Rijiju, much of the obsession with Pakistan is limited to North India due to historical and cultural reasons.[36]

More recently following the Uri attack in 2016, due to which tensions escalated between India and Pakistan, anti-Pakistan sentiments became more pronounced; the Indian Motion Picture Producers' Association voted to ban Pakistani artists from working in Bollywood.[37]

Indian sports[edit]

In February 2011, the Shiv Sena stated that it would not allow Pakistan to play any 2011 Cricket World Cup matches in Mumbai.[38] Pakistan Hockey Federation also feared of sending the national hockey of Pakistan because of anti-Pakistani sentiment in India.[39] The state of Maharashtra, where Shiv Sena is prominent, has been deemed an unsafe venue for hosting visiting Pakistani teams.[40] Shiv Sena has periodically disrupted cricketing occasions involving the two countries. In 1999, it tampered the pitch at Feroz Shah Kotla Ground to stop a match between the two sides, while during the 2006 Champions Trophy it made threats against hosting Pakistan's matches in Jaipur and Mohali.[32] Post-2008, it has frequently threatened against the resumption of a bilateral Indo-Pakistani cricket series. In October 2015, Shiv Sena activists barged into the headquarters of the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) in Mumbai, chanting anti-Pakistan slogans and stopping a scheduled meeting between BCCI president Shashank Manohar and the Pakistan Cricket Board's Shahryar Khan and Najam Sethi.[32] In the 2023 Cricket World Cup, Pakistan Cricket Fans and media personnel were barred from attending the group stage match between the two nations.[41]

Bangladesh[edit]

The relationship between Bangladesh and Pakistan is poor as a result of the 1971 East Pakistan atrocities inflicted by the Pakistan Army during the Bangladesh liberation War. Due to political, economic, linguistic and ethnic discrimination by the then Pakistani state before political seperation in 1971, some people now in Bangladesh have this Anti-Pakistan sentiment.[42] The So-called Government of Bangladesh demands a formal apology for those atrocities from the parent state Government of Pakistan, as well as putting on trial former military and political leaders who had played a role in the 1971 debacle. Pakistan has continued to move past this demand.[43] And has stood in solidarity with convicted war criminals [44]

However, many other sources including Bengali/Bangladeshi sources[45] have challenged the Bangladeshi narrative of the war, such as the alleged atrocious acts by the Pakistan Armed Forces including mass dishonor.[46]

Pakistani writers meanwhile have also published their own works challenging the allegations of the Bangladeshi government perceptional narratives on the events of the 1971 war.[47]

In 2012, Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB) abandoned a planned cricket tour in Pakistan indefinitely amid fears over players' safety, following dramatic protests by Bangladeshis and a Facebook campaign against the visit.[48]

In response to Pakistan's National Assembly adopting a resolution to condemn the alleged war criminal Abdul Quader Mollah execution, protests were held outside the Pakistan High Commission in Ghulshan Dhaka.[49] It is argued that some Bangladeshis still believes in the United Pakistan ideology mainly due to the religious sentiments.[citation needed]

A 2014 PEW opinion poll found that 50% of Bangladeshis held a favorable view of Pakistan.[50]

State Of Israel[edit]

There has been some anti-Pakistani sentiment in Israel. During the 1965 Indo-Pakistani war, Israel played a major role in convincing the United States not to send weapons to Pakistan, indirectly leading it to impose an embargo on Pakistan.[51] The anniversary of the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971 is regularly marked in Israel with tributes paid to the Indian Armed Forces.[52]

Israeli journalists have also criticized Pakistan's nuclear weapons program.[53]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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  2. Kalim Siddiqui (1975). The functions of international conflict: a socio-economic study of Pakistan. Royal Book Co. Search this book on
  3. Yaacov Vertzberger (1984). Misperceptions in foreign policymaking: the Sino-Indian conflict, 1959–1962. Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-86531-970-7. Retrieved 3 June 2012. Search this book on
  4. K. K. Kaul (1952–1966). U.S.A. and the Hindustan Peninsula. even though it was easy to fan Pakophobia under the circumstances.43 The Prime Minister of Pakistan, on the other hand, asserted that Nehru was not afraid of aggression from Pakistan, but was protesting against US aid for fear of.. Search this book on
  5. Yale H. Ferguson and R. J. Barry Jones, Political space: frontiers of change and governance in a globalizing world, page 155, SUNY Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0-7914-5460-2 Search this book on .
  6. Ulrika Mårtensson and Jennifer Bailey, Fundamentalism in the Modern World (Volume 1), page 97, I.B.Tauris, 2011, ISBN 978-1-84885-330-0 Search this book on .
  7. Jyotirmaya Sharma, "Ideological heresy?, The Hindu, 19 June 2005
  8. Radhika Ramaseshan, "Advani fires Atal weapon", The Telegraph, 16 June 2005
  9. Ashish Vashi, "Anti-Sardar Patel book sold from RSS HQ in Gujarat", The Times of India, 27 August 2009
  10. Manini Chatterjee, "Only by Akhand Bharat", The Indian Express, 1 February 2007
  11. Sucheta Majumder, "Right Wing Mobilization in India", Feminist Review, issue 49, page 17, Routledge, 1995, ISBN 978-0-415-12375-4 Search this book on .
  12. Hardgrave, Robert. "India: The Dilemmas of Diversity", Journal of Democracy, pp. 54–65
  13. Qasmi, Ali Usman; Robb, Megan Eaton (2017). Muslims against the Muslim League: Critiques of the Idea of Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 2. ISBN 9781108621236. Search this book on
  14. Qaiser, Rizwan (2005), "Towards United and Federate India: 1940-47", Maulana Abul Kalam Azad a study of his role in Indian Nationalist Movement 1919–47, Jawaharlal Nehru University/Shodhganga, Chapter 5, pp. 193, 198, hdl:10603/31090
  15. Yousaf, Nasim (31 August 2018). "Why Allama Mashriqi opposed the partition of India?". Global Village Space. Retrieved 24 January 2019.
  16. Sankar Ghose, Jawaharlal Nehru, a Biography, Allied Publishers (1993), pp. 160–161
  17. Raj Pruthi, Paradox of Partition: Partition of India and the British strategy, Sumit Enterprises (2008), p. 443
  18. Graham Chapman, The Geopolitics of South Asia: From Early Empires to the Nuclear Age, Ashgate Publishing (2012), p. 326
  19. V.P. Menon, The Transfer of Power in India, Orient Blackswan (1998), p. 385
  20. G. C. Kendadamath, J.B. Kripalani, a study of his political ideas, Ganga Kaveri Pub. House (1992), p. 59
  21. Constituent Assembly Debates: Official Report, Volume 4, Lok Sabha secretariat, 14 July 1947, p. 761
  22. Paul R. Brass, The Politics of India Since Independence, Cambridge University Press (1994), p. 10
  23. Ted Svensson, Production of Postcolonial India and Pakistan: Meanings of Partition, Routledge (2013), pp. 110–111
  24. Eric Margolis, War at the Top of the World: The Struggle for Afghanistan, Kashmir and Tibet, Routledge (2001), p. 98
  25. K.R. Dark, Religion and International Relations, Springer (2000), p. 151
  26. Munis D. Faruqui, The Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504–1719, Cambridge University Press (2012), p. 1
  27. Quoted in Christophe Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism: A Reader, Princeton University Press (2009), p. 119
  28. "VHP, RSS activists set Pak flag on fire, BJP says don't approve". The Indian Express. 20 April 2015.
  29. Hasan, Khalid (3 April 2004). "Indian film festival to screen anti-Pakistan films". Daily Times. Archived from the original on 12 January 2005. Retrieved 30 December 2011. Unknown parameter |url-status= ignored (help)
  30. How Pakistan Fell in Love With Bollywood. Foreign Policy (15 March 2010). Retrieved 3 June 2012.
  31. "Asha Bhosle downplays MNS threat against co-judging show with Pakistanis". The Express Tribune. 31 August 2012. Retrieved 8 October 2012.
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  34. Ali, Sarfraz (15 July 2015). "Shiv Sena threatens against 'Bin Roye' screening". Daily Pakistan. Retrieved 30 August 2017.
  35. "Shiv Sena warns distributors against screening of Raees". Dawn. 12 January 2017. Retrieved 30 August 2017.
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  37. Anand, Geeta; Venkataraman, Ayesha (19 October 2016). "Bollywood Becomes India and Pakistan's Latest Battleground". The New York Times.
  38. "Sena leader announces veiled threat on World Cup final involving Pakistan". The Hindu. Mumbai, India. 17 February 2011. Retrieved 17 February 2011.
  39. "'Anti-Pakistan' sentiment in India, a cause for concern: PHF". UMMID. Retrieved 1 October 2012.
  40. "Shiv Sena scare: BCCI to keep Pakistan out of Maharashtra in 2016 World T20". The Express Tribune. 10 August 2015. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
  41. "'I have pangs in my heart': Pakistan fans a glaring absence at India clash".
  42. Noor, Sanam (2005). "Outstanding Issues between Pakistan and Bangladesh". Pakistan Horizon. 58 (1): 47–60. ISSN 0030-980X. JSTOR 41394082.
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  44. "Pakistan again sides with war criminals". 12 May 2016.
  45. M. Abdul Mu'min Chowdhury (1996). Behind the Myth of Three Millions. Al-hilal Publishers. Search this book on
  46. Bose, Sarmila. "Losing the victims: Problems of using women as weapons in recounting the Bangladesh war." Economic and Political Weekly (2007): 3864-3871.
  47. Junaid Ahmed (2016). Creation of Bangladesh: Myths Exploded. LIGHTNING SOURCE Incorporated, 2016. ISBN 9789692316903. Search this book on
  48. "Security concerns force Bangladesh to shelf Pakistan tour". Mid-day.com. 31 December 2012. Retrieved 29 May 2015.
  49. "Bangladeshi protesters burn Pakistan flag, Imran Khan's effigies". The News International, Pakistan. 18 December 2013.
  50. "Chapter 4: How Asians View Each Other". Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. 14 July 2014. Retrieved 4 April 2016.
  51. Indian foreign policy: challenges and opportunities by Atish Sinha, Madhup Mohta, Academic Foundation, 2007, p 332.
  52. "The Jewish General Who Beat Pakistan". Haaretz.com. 6 September 2004.
  53. Bermant, Azriel (20 May 2015). "Pakistan Is the Only Muslim Nuclear-armed State. Why Is Israel's Hysteria Reserved for Iran? - Opinion". Haaretz.com.

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